Sunday, September 22, 2013

[batavia-news] The threads that tie your clothes to the world

 

 
 

Originally published September 21, 2013 at 8:11 PM | Page modified September 21, 2013 at 8:50 PM

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The threads that tie your clothes to the world

A Husky hoodie is the product of garment workers in Indonesia who are paid less than minimum wage.

Special to The Seattle Times

$75

original price of a Husky hooded sweatshirt sold at the University Bookstore on "The Ave"

$190

average monthly wage for worker in a garment factory in Indonesia

 

JAKARTA, Indonesia —

Anissa folds back the cuff of the purple Husky hooded sweatshirt and runs a finger over the inside stitches.

In the brief moment she holds the sweatshirt, her expression flashes from smiling 24-year-old to engaged professional and back again.

The deftness of her inspection hints at her skill as a seamstress who produces 120 of these sweatshirts every hour at the factory where she works.

The shirt, bearing quarterback Keith Price's No. 17, was on discount at The University Bookstore on "The Ave" in Seattle.

In July it made its homecoming via yellow DHL shipping bag to here, where it was made.

My goal was to track down the person who made it, in the hope of highlighting her connection with consumers in Seattle and the clothes on store racks.

With more than 1.3 million garment workers in Indonesia, it sounded like a needle in a haystack.

But thanks to transparency tools on Nike's manufacturing website and a local labor-union connection, in less than 48 hours I was sitting in Jakarta traffic on my way to a meeting in the city's north east end.

The Nike website narrowed the search down to 10,734 workers producing collegiate apparel at six factories, five of which are in the sprawling outskirts of this city of over 10 million.

Sitting still in Jakarta's notorious gridlock it crossed my mind that this was probably the second time the hoodie had been subjected to this traffic.

As the slow creep continued out of the city center, curbs receded to gutterless one- lane roads full of more motorbikes than cars. Food stalls lined the road against a backdrop of concrete homes and the occasional rice field.

We reached a neighborhood where the streets were lined with mannequins stuffed into stretch pants. Open doors exposed teams of people on sewing machines; we were getting close.

Before long I was sitting on the tiled floor of a stucco house with Anissa, who, like all the factory workers in this story, asked that their real names not be used for fear of losing their jobs.

Anissa's husband and another couple who worked in a different factory sat on the floor next to us along with a few union leaders.

They probably weren't big Husky football fans, but everyone in the room knew the sweatshirt well.

One of the men from the union had recognized the shirt's material from a visit to the factory where Anissa worked. The second couple remembered attaching the numbers to the shirt. And Anissa remembered sewing its cuffs.

Cheap clothes vs. consumer conscience

Anissa and her co-workers are part of the most-recent generation of Indonesians who have worked for apparel and footwear companies — sometimes under questionable conditions.

Their country has long played a significant role in clothing production. It is now the third-largest source of apparel exports to the U.S., and manufactures about 6 ½ percent of our clothing imports. Globally, the Southeast Asian nation has been among the top 10 exporters since the 1980s. In 2000, its apparel exports accounted for nearly 2 ½ percent of global output.

Around the same time that Indonesia became one of the world's top garment exporters, a flood of reports and articles on Nike's labor practices in Indonesia forever linked the company to the term "sweatshop."

Across the apparel industry, celebrities such as Kathy Lee Gifford and Michael Jordan were embarrassed when the public found out that apparel bearing their names was produced using sweatshop labor.

The negative publicity moved Portland-based Nike and many of its competitors to create codes of conduct for their subcontracted factories. But public interest in the issue subsided as aggressive outsourcing became the norm for manufactured goods.

That is until April of this year, when the deadliest accident in the history of the garment industry hit Bangladesh. A factory collapse near Dhaka killed more than a thousand people and put working conditions of businesses involved in globalized manufacturing back in the spotlight.

A subsequent study of the industry by the Center for American Progress found that between 2001 and 2011, the real wages of garment workers in the U.S.' main source countries had been falling.

The big exception was top exporter China, which has seen real wages expand by 124 percent.

In the years leading up to the Bangladesh disaster, China, which produced 40 percent of U.S. apparel imports over the last decade, was starting to price itself out of the business. Companies had been looking to take their production to countries with lower wages and none looked better than Bangladesh.

In a 2011 report by McKinsey Quarterly titled "Bangladesh: the Next Hot Spot in Apparel Sourcing?" chief purchasing officers from top apparel companies cited the appeal of an already established garment industry, a huge work force and extremely low minimum wages.

But since the factory collapse and the numerous smaller tragedies that came both before and after the disaster, there has been a new trend in manufacturing that stands out above the rest: staying as far away from Bangladesh as possible.

A May New York Times article described an urgent hunt by Western executives to find alternative locations for production. High on their list were a number of Southeast Asian countries, including Indonesia.

A race to the bottom

Anissa is full of youthful energy and has a high-pitched laugh that never seems far away.

When I ask her about her job, she gives measured answers. She doesn't want to complain.

Anissa has worked at PT. Greentex Indonesia Utama for two years. When I put the hoodie down in front of her, her eyes light up.

"This is my labor, I'm proud," she says confidently when I ask her how seeing the completed shirt makes her feel.

Her days at the factory start at 7 a.m. and last until 4 p.m. Once a week she'll take an hour of overtime and leave about 5.

Her husband, Wayan, is concerned about her working during her pregnancy. She's three months along and has fainted already once while on the job. The problem is they need the money, and she says she would just be bored staying at home.

She says her boss is not threatening. No one under 17 is allowed to work in the factory. The facilities, while far from perfect, feel safe, she says.

There's no way for me to see for myself. Like most factories in Indonesia, access is strictly guarded, so I'm in no position to question Anissa's take on her workplace.

But if conditions in the factory are acceptable, I can't understand why the workers seem to be hinting at some sort of major problems, or why they didn't want me to use their real names.

When I bring up the cost of the sweatshirt in the U.S., the positive tone shifts and it started to become clear.

The sweatshirt was marked down to $30. But there is a conspicuous tag attached to it showing the original price: $75. When I explain the amount, the room fills with the laughter. But it's not happy laughter. It's the kind you resort to when you know getting angry will just be a waste of energy.

Anissa and her co-workers are paid 1.9 million rupiah, or about $190, every month. A single sweatshirt, one of which Anissa's line is supposed to sew roughly every 30 seconds, costs about 39 percent of her monthly wage.

Of course, just because workers are paid pennies to produce a garment that retails for $75, doesn't mean Nike is pocketing the difference. PT. Greentex pays to keep the factory running and takes its cut. Then there's the cost of shipping to Seattle, licensing fees the University of Washington collects on Husky merchandise, and a retail markup by the store of as much as 100 percent.

Still, a country by country analysis by the Center for American Progress found that prevailing wages in the garment industry were a fraction of a living wage for a family of four with two breadwinners. Even in countries such as China and Indonesia where wages are on the rise, it will be decades before the prevailing wage is enough to support basic needs like food, housing, health care and education.

I ask Anissa if her salary is enough to live on and again she's careful not to complain.

"Yes, maybe it's enough for now, because we don't have children," she says, laughing nervously.

Increasing wages

Low wages and the factory's high output gets to the marrow of what is one of Indonesia's thorniest issues of the day.

Over the last half-decade the country has performed, economically speaking, with the kind of consistency that Husky fans would be thrilled to get out of Keith Price.

A strong middle class has emerged, and with it, so have demands from those at the bottom of the economic ladder for higher minimum wages. Long suppressed under former President Suharto, unions have become stronger forces ensuring that those demands reach the ears of business leaders and politicians.

The issue has become a political ball, run up the field by politicians looking for popular support, and back down by industry looking to keep its bottom-line in the cellar.

On paper some of the demands for increased wages have been met. Pressure from striking workers increased the minimum wage across the country 30 to 40 percent.

But that's just on paper.

Anissa's factory is in an area where the minimum wage for the garment sector was supposed to increase to 3.2 million rupiah (or about $320) per month starting last January. She and her co-workers say they haven't yet seen an increase in wages, and that seems to be the trend around the city.

Tired of feeling guilty about buying clothes?

Jim Keady is one of many Americans who have devoted their lives to improving conditions for garment workers. Director of the New Jersey-based Educating for Justice, he has been coming to Indonesia for 14 years to advocate for Nike workers.

Last year Keady helped secure a $1 million settlement for workers at the largest Nike factory in Indonesia for what he called an 18-year practice of forced unpaid overtime. The unpaid hour of work was so common there was even an expression for it: the Jam Malor.

"Every Nike subcontractor has to commit to Nike's code of conduct," Keady says. "That code of conduct is very clear with regard to workers being paid at least the minimum wage in a country like Indonesia. Right now, that's not happening."

Officials of the Federasi Serikat Buruh Indonesia, which translates to The Indonesian Trade Union Federation, echo Keady's statement that forcing manufacturers' hands to pay minimum wages is one of their top priorities.

But Indonesian garment industry's leaders argue that the new minimum wages hurt their ability to compete with every low-wage country. They fear jobs will start heading to even cheaper Southeast Asian counties, such as Vietnam, Cambodia and Burma.

Industry Minister M.S. Hidayat told The Jakarta Post that as many as 900,000 workers could lose their jobs if the new minimum wages went into full effect.

"Businesses cannot bear the costs incurred by the new minimum wage," he says, arguing that Indonesia's reputation has been damaged by continued worker protests.

If they're correct, that local protests will only further a race to the bottom, the answer may come in the form of consumer advocacy.

Campus organization United Students Against Sweatshops is the pre-eminent U.S.- based group advocating for manufacturing workers in the developing world. This year it successfully concluded a two-year campaign over unpaid wages at another Indonesian factory which ended in a major settlement to the workers.

The fight cost Adidas 17 contracts with major universities, including the University of Washington.

"I don't know if [students] care more, but I'd say we're more proactive and mobilized than the average consumer," says Rachel Shevrin, a member of the University of Washington Chapter of United Students Against Sweatshops. "We're part of a generation that thinks that is a human-rights issue and we're going to fix it."

Last March, Nielsen Media Research profiled a new demographic of "global, socially conscious consumers" that savvy businesses should be targeting. Forty six percent of the consumers Nielsen surveyed in the U.S. and around the world said that they'd be willing to pay more for products from companies that have taken steps to "give back to society" in some way.

But Keady says consumers should go beyond just "voting with their wallets."

"I think that consumers have a responsibility to, one, be informed about the conditions under which the products that they're buying are produced," he says. "If you feel a product is being made in a way that you don't feel comfortable with, you need to contact Nike."

University of California Berkeley professor Dara O'Rourke, the co-founder of GoodGuide, which rates the social responsibility of companies and products, suggests that consumers should contact companies they don't feel are up to an acceptable standard through public channels like Twitter.

She also encourages conscientious consumers to avoid buying apparel manufactured overseas altogether by buying clothes secondhand or seeking out brands made domestically.

I ask the group if it wants Americans to boycott products in the name of better wages and working conditions. Anissa's colleague speaks up first:

"Buy them, of course. If not, then most likely the company will go bankrupt."

This is far from a battle cry in support for her employers.

It's more an acknowledgment that her wages depend on their continued sales to Nike, and on to American consumers.

"If (Americans) buy them, we have work making them ... there just needs to be balance in pay."

This story was produced in partnership with The Seattle Globalist. For more from the project visit www.SeattleGlobalist.com. Branden Eastwood is a multimedia journalist who splits time between the US and Indonesia. He attended the Walter Cronkite School of Journalism at Arizona State University and graduated with a degree in visual journalism from the Brooks Institute of Photography. You can see his photography work at www.brandeneastwood.com

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[batavia-news] Freedom Flotilla makes Papua connection, organisers claim

 

 

Freedom Flotilla makes Papua connection, organisers claim

Date  September 13, 2013

Freedom Flotilla claims ceremonial exchange

RAW VISION: Activists from Freedom Flotilla say they've held a ceremonial exchange with West Papuan separatists in a secret boat meet up near the PNG-Indonesian border . Vision courtesy of Freedom Flotilla.

JAKARTA: One Freedom Flotilla protest vessel has completed its ceremonial mission, meeting activists from West Papua in secret and under the noses of the Indonesian armed forces, while another acted as a decoy, organisers have claimed.

Australian organisers of the pro-West Papuan separatist protest have released a statement saying one "tiny" boat from either country met "near the Australian-Indonesian border" to exchange symbolic items — water from Lake Eyre, and ash from the fires of Aboriginal tent embassies around Australia.

The Australians are protesting against Indonesian actions in West Papua. A group of protesters - including at least one indigenous West Papuan man who was accepted as a refugee in Australia in 2006 — had earlier planned to make landfall on the Indonesian territory.

Australian organisers of a pro-West Papuan separatist protest say boats from either country met 'near the Australian-Indonesian border' to exchange symbolic items.

Australian organisers of a pro-West Papuan separatist campaign say boats from both countries met 'near the Australian-Indonesian border' to exchange symbolic items.

However, Flotilla member Ronny Kareni said they had decided against it in light of Indonesian military threats.

"Evading the Indonesian navy, two tiny boats met near the Australia-Indonesia border to ceremonially reconnect the indigenous peoples of Australia and West Papua," the group said in a press statement.

"While the Freedom Flotilla's flagship the Pog sailed towards West Papua, the world watched its progress via a live satellite tracker onboard the vessel, providing a much needed distraction for the clandestine ceremony to take place in an undisclosed location off the south coast of Papua."

Photographs provided by organisers shows some participants' faces blurred out, but also land in the background.

Mr Kareni later clarified that "the meeting took place near the PNG-West Papua border, on the PNG side," citing a fear of Indonesian patrol boats as a reason for not crossing the territorial waters. "This had to be done in a clandestine manner.

"We know the ashes and the sacred water will arrive in West Papua," he said.

However, Mr Kareni said the decoy vessel, the Pog, would not give up trying to make landfall in West Papua. His group is trying to contact Indonesian military figures in Papua to "arrange safe passage to the controversial territory".

Indonesian navy spokesman Untung Surapati had earlier said armed forces headquarters in Jakarta had issued an instruction: "Don't let the Freedom Flotilla enter Indonesia".

- with Colin Cosier

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[batavia-news] Suicide bombers kill 61 at Pakistan church

 

 
 

Suicide bombers kill 61 at Pakistan church

Date  September 22, 2013 - 10:04PM
 
Pakistani Christians search for  relatives at a hospital in Peshawar.

Pakistani Christians search for relatives at a hospital in Peshawar. Photo: AFP

Two suicide bombers have killed at least 61 people and wounded more than 100 attending a church service in restive north-western Pakistan.

The Sunday attack in Peshawar is one of the deadliest for years on Christians in the overwhelmingly Muslim country.

The death toll was given by Doctor Sher Ali, deputy medical superintendent of the city's main Lady Reading Hospital.

Peshawar's commissioner Sahibzada Anees told reporters the bombers struck as the service ended.

"Most of the wounded are in critical condition," he said, adding special security had been in force to protect the church.

"We are in an area which is a target of terrorism and within that area there was a special security arrangement for the church."

Schoolteacher Nazir Khan, 50, said at least 400 worshippers were greeting each other when there was a huge explosion.

"A huge blast threw me on the floor and as soon as I regained my senses, a second blast took place and I saw wounded people everywhere," Mr Khan told AFP.

Television footage showed ambulances rushing the wounded to hospital.

Grieved relatives gathered outside the church and shouted slogans against police over the security lapse.

Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif strongly condemned the bombings.

"Terrorists have no religion and targeting innocent people is against the teachings of Islam and all religions," he said in a statement.

Sharif said such "cruel acts of terrorism reflect the brutality and inhumane mindset of the terrorists".

He expressed his solidarity with the Christian community and deep sympathies with bereaved family members.

Only two per cent of Pakistan's population of 180 million are Christian. The community is largely poor and complains of increasing discrimination.

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Updates in Your Groups, September 22, 2013

Updates in Your Groups
riza0473 posted a link "Komisi Besar" to the Komisi_Besar folder

[batavia-news] Colonial attitudes must be overcome and replaced with international support for West Papuans.

 

http://www.fairobserver.com/article/independent-west-papuan-state-possible

Wednesday 18 September 2013 2:40am WIB (JoyoNews1)

Fair Observer
By Camellia Webb-Gannon

Colonial attitudes must be overcome and replaced with international support for West Papuans.


The very unpredictability of politics is the greatest hope for those seeking an independent West Papuan state. Here, some of the key issues occupying West Papuan nationalists and observers of the region s politics are addressed, including whether West Papuans are entitled to their own state; whether such a state would be politically and economically viable; and what chance Papuans have of forging their national vision into a constitutional reality.

Do West Papuans Have a Right to Their Own State?

Although the answer to this question is politically unpalatable for Indonesia and the countries that have, to date, supported Indonesia's "territorial integrity" (West Papua inclusive), under international law, West Papuans preserve the right to choose political independence.

The right to self-determination is enshrined in treaty law through the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, both of which declare: "All peoples have the right of self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development."

Indonesia acknowledged this right by agreeing to a United Nations-sponsored referendum in 1969, through which West Papuans were to be given a chance to opt either for integration with Indonesia or self-sovereignty. However, Indonesia thwarted the democratic process in the so-called Act of Free Choice (AFC). Less than one percent of West Papua s population was selected to vote on behalf of all West Papuans for Indonesian rule.

The unsurprisingly unanimous, pro-Indonesian decision under the AFC was accepted by the United Nations General Assembly later in 1969. Since then, West Papuans have lobbied the UN, Indonesia, and the international community to provide an unrigged ballot through which they might freely and fairly determine their own political status.

Could West Papuans Govern Themselves if Given the Chance?

This question smacks of a residual colonial mentality and resounds of fiscal self-interest. Yet it is a question regularly posed, and often answered in the negative, by observers of West Papua's independence movement. One may think, however, that Australia, for instance, might consider the money it could save by no longer funding and training many of the Indonesian troops and police deployed in West Papua to suppress "separatism."

To be sure, an independent West Papua would face significant obstacles during and after an inauguration of self-rule. With a history of Jakarta-engineered divide and rule tactics targeted at foiling West Papuan attempts to politically consolidate as well as exacerbating tribal and regional enmities, West Papuans are already on the back foot in state making.

Effective education, technology, and health infrastructure would need to be built almost from scratch. A culture of corruption and nepotism, ubiquitous within Indonesian politics, would need to be overcome, and English would have to be a widely spoken language ­ at least among West Papuan office holders so that West Papua can take part in international forums. The racial and cultural gulf between the predominantly Asian Muslim migrants to West Papua ­ currently comprising more than half of the territory's population ­ and indigenous Christian Papuans, may prove difficult to surmount even with fair governance.

Nevertheless, West Papuans are wealthy in many respects. Economically, their land contains such substantial gold and copper deposits that it hosts one of the world's largest gold and copper mines, owned by US-based Freeport McMoRan Copper and Gold Inc. West Papuans have spent the last 50 years, since Indonesian occupation of their land, forging a strong national identity and developing their struggle strategically, diplomatically and even militarily, all of which will stand them in good stead in the event of independence. This comes in contrast to neighboring Papua New Guinea, a country of frequent comparison, often criticized for its political instability, but whose independence came about all too easily in the view of some during the era of decolonization rather than through opposition to a colonial power, as would be the case for West Papua.

Most importantly, perhaps, there are many West Papuans in the diaspora and in-country who are smart, capable and committed (unofficial) politicians. It could be said that Indonesian misrule has made independence activism a default career for hundreds if not thousands of educated Papuans both at home and abroad. In a sense, this is just as well since there has been a terrible toll of revered Papuan leaders since the 1970s at the hands of Indonesian security forces.

Driven into exile by constant death threats, human rights campaigner John Rumbiak suffered a stroke in 2005 and has never recovered, while the military assassinated the much-loved anthropologist, musicologist and musician, Arnold Ap, in 1984 and independence leader Theys Eluay in 2001. For their part, Indonesian police assassinated former guerilla leader Kelly Kwalik in 2009 and youth leader Mako Tabuni in 2012.

A strong culture of civil resistance is developing amongst a cadre of well-educated and internationally connected West Papuan leaders with the potential to utilize their skills in a Papuan state. Interim government structures are generating a host of viable ideas about indigenously appropriate governance, and constitutional options. If given the opportunity to self-govern, there is no reason why West Papuans would be less able to function in this capacity than their neighbors in the formerly Indonesian state of East Timor.

Will Indonesia Relinquish West Papua?

Although West Papuans should have the right to determine their own political future, and do have the capacity to govern a viable state, the likelihood of such an opportunity arising for them to do so is uncertain. And in the event of a referendum on independence, given that the migrant Indonesian Austronesian population in West Papua outnumbers the West Papuan Melanesian population, there is little incentive for the migrant residents to vote for independence.

The importance of the revenue accrued to the Indonesian state from Freeport mine is enormous, as is the value of West Papuan land for oil palm plantations and settlements for Indonesian migrants seeking opportunities away from their overcrowded home islands. The Indonesian government's attitude toward West Papuan aspirations for greater freedom is unlikely to relax under any of the several ultranationalist presidential candidates vying to follow on from President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in 2014.

Even so, there are weaknesses in Indonesia's hold over West Papua that Papuans are effectively exploiting, replenishing the independence movement with the oxygen of hope. Solidarity groups like International Parliamentarians for West Papua and International Lawyers for West Papua are gaining the support of big names from around the globe, largely through the campaigning of West Papuans in the diaspora such as Benny Wenda in the United Kingdom. The efforts of one peak body for West Papuan independence groups, the West Papua National Coalition for Liberation, has recently been successful in placing, for consideration, West Papuan membership of the Melanesian Spearhead Group at the top of that group's agenda. Mass media in Australia and elsewhere is highlighting human rights concerns in West Papua. Independent media is showcasing the conflict in feature films. Australian politicians have debated the issue of West Papuan independence in parliament. And social media networks, to which many West Papuans are connected, are widely disseminating West Papuan requests for help.

In the case of East Timor, it was Australian public sympathy and outrage that finally forced the Australian-led UN intervention into action, enabling the process towards independence to continue. West Papuans have demonstrated over the past five decades that they will not give up on their dream for independence, no matter how bloody Indonesia's repression becomes. Indonesia is adamant that West Papua remains a part of its unitary state so that short of international intervention, whether diplomatic or military, West Papuans are unlikely to gain a new referendum on their political status.

If the West Papua crisis does unfold in a similar fashion to East Timor's, hopefully it need not suffer its own Santa Cruz massacre of 250-plus protestors. Captured on film in 1991, this atrocity raised global awareness of the crisis in East Timor and transformed international support for its aspirations.

Perhaps new media and technology publicizing the "slow-motion genocide" in West Papua will invoke similar public outrage, forcing the hand of the international community to attend to West Papuans' demands. The odds are certainly stacked against West Papuan independence aspirations. But politics are fickle; hope is infectious; and East Timor demonstrated that David and Goliath have their contemporary counterparts. West Papuans have the most to lose in pursuit of a state for their nation, yet they never say die. As concerned observers, how can we?

The views expressed in this article are the author s own and do not necessarily reflect Fair Observer's editorial policy.

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[batavia-news] How mercury poisons gold miners and enters the food chain

 

 

How mercury poisons gold miners and enters the food chain

Miners in Kalimantan

About 15% of the world's gold is produced by artisanal and small-scale miners, most of whom use mercury to extract it from the earth. In Indonesia, the industry supports some three million people - but the miners risk poisoning themselves, their children and the land.

Fahrul Raji, a man in his early 30s, is not feeling well. At the health centre in Kereng Pangi, a town in Central Kalimantan surrounded by goldfields, he explains his symptoms.

"I often have a headache, and I am weak. I have a bitter taste in my mouth."

According to Dr Stephan Bose-O'Reilly, who is examining him, Fahrul is being slowly poisoned by mercury.

"Fahrul's been working with mercury for many years, and he's showing the typical symptoms of mercury intoxication," says Bose-O'Reilly, a German medic who began studying the impact of mercury on Indonesians' health a decade ago. "He also has a tremor and a co-ordination problem."

Kereng Pangi - map of Kalimantan

Although mercury use in small-scale gold mining in Indonesia is illegal, miners still use it to extract gold from the rock or soil.

Fahrul isn't a miner, but he has a gold shop in Kereng Pangi. Every day miners bring him the fruits of their labour - usually a pea-sized piece of amalgam that is mercury mixed with gold.

Fahrul burns it, and the mercury evaporates leaving the gold behind. But the fumes are highly toxic, which is why smelters like Fahrul often show more severe signs of mercury poisoning than miners who use it in the field.

"Mercury is a neuro-toxin," Bose-O'Reilly explains. "It affects the cerebellum, which is the part of the brain that helps you move properly, and co-ordinate your movements. Mercury also harms the kidneys and other organs, but the neurological damage it does is irreversible."

Gold miners have driven orang-utans from the area

Fahrul's gold shop is on the main street of Kereng Pangi. He sits behind a wooden counter, his blow torch behind him, waiting for business. At the end of the day, the miners arrive with their pieces of amalgam ready for smelting. Fahrul says he's worried about the impact of mercury on his health, but he has no intention of changing his job.

"This is a family business that's been handed down to me. My father was also a gold buyer. And he's about 65 now, and still looks healthy."

Mercury in a bottle

Even though he has symptoms, Fahrul has convinced himself that the risk he runs is small. And that is the problem with mercury - its effects are not dramatic enough, in the short term, to act as a viable deterrent.

The worst case of mass mercury poisoning the world has ever seen happened in Japan in the first half of the 20th Century.

How do miners use mercury?

Mercury
  • Miners excavate and crush large quantities of earth or rock, containing a small quantity of gold
  • When mercury is mixed with the slurry, it amalgamates with the gold - and the amalgam sinks to the bottom
  • The amalgam is separated out, some excess mercury is removed, and the rest is boiled off
  • A ton of ore may contain less than an ounce (28g) of gold

Symptoms appeared only gradually in the fishing village of Minamata. At first, nobody could explain why people began to slur their speech, or stumbled when they walked. They would have trouble swallowing, or tremble uncontrollably. Children were born with disabilities. Thousands would die with what became known as Minamata Disease.

But it took 30 years - until the 1960s - to identify the cause of the suffering: a local plastics factory that was dumping mercury into the bay. The mercury was contaminating fish, the staple food of the local population.

If Fahrul continues to smelt mercury in his gold shop, and inhale the poisonous fumes, it is likely his symptoms will get worse. Bose-O'Reilly says his urine contains 697 micrograms of mercury per litre - far more than usual.

"This is incredibly high," he says. "Most people would have one or two micrograms at most."

There are an estimated 10-15 million unregulated gold miners around the world, operating in 70 countries. Artisanal small-scale gold mining (ASGM) is the largest source of mercury pollution in the world after the burning of fossil fuels.

Miners in a pond Sumali Agrawal: There will never be rainforest here again

And in Central Kalimantan the effects of this unregulated industry on the environment have been devastating. Around Kereng Pangi, the miners have cleared virgin forest once home to orang-utans and hornbills. What is left is a lunar-like landscape, its pools polluted with mercury.

"There are 60,000 hectares of denuded area that are completely pitted like this," explains Sumali Agrawal the technical director of YTS, a local NGO working to mitigate the impact of mercury.

"You can see it on Google Earth - a white patch in the middle of a green landscape. This was formerly tropical rainforest on a sand substrate. If you left it alone for 50 years, some vegetation would grow, but there would never be a diverse rainforest here again."

Google Earth image of Kereng Pangi gold mines

There are no large nuggets of gold to be mined around Kereng Pangi - only tiny particles of the precious metal are present in the tons of earth. Miners use mechanical sluices to trap the mud that is rich in gold. They mix this with mercury in buckets using their bare hands.

Mercury is a persistent pollutant - it does not break down in the environment.

Find out more

Listen to BBC Radio 4's Crossing Continents, on Thursday, 19 September at 11:00.

On the Indonesian island of Lombok, its potential for harm is multiplied because it is being used in conjunction with cyanide.

"Together mercury and cyanide create double the problem in the environment," says Dr Dewi Krisnayanti, a soil scientist specialising in heavy metals at Lombok's Mataram University.

Cyanide helps to dissolve the mercury, and when the waste is spilled into paddy fields it binds with organic molecules in the environment, becoming methyl mercury. This is far more toxic - in Minamata it was methyl mercury that poisoned thousands of people.

Dewi has analysed samples of rice seeds and leaves from the paddy fields in the south-west of the island.

Children play on the cyanide- and mercury-contaminated tailings, adjacent to working rice paddies on the Indonesian island of Lombok Cyanide- and mercury-contaminated waste, next to working rice paddies on Lombok

"The concentration of methyl mercury was the highest ever recorded in a laboratory - 115 parts per billion," she says. "I felt very sad when I saw the data, because methyl mercury can be absorbed by plants, get into the food chain and affect human health."

The same methods are used to recover gold in other Asian countries too, and these are also rice-eating nations. If the contamination of paddy fields was found to be widespread, it could be devastating.

"Start Quote

The threat is there every day and it is escalating"

Dr Rachmadi Purwana University of Indonesia

Indonesian's Assistant Deputy Minister of the Environment, Halimah Syafrul, says controls on illegal imports of mercury are being tightened. And the government hopes the forthcoming ratification of the UN treaty on mercury - known as the Minamata Convention - will bring international assistance to help Indonesia's miners find alternatives to the use of mercury.

"There is pollution in the environment, pollution in the rivers, destruction in the mountainous areas and destruction of our protected forests. It's a similar situation in almost every province and we have 34 provinces in Indonesia," says Halimah, an environmental scientist by training.

Dr Rachmadi Purwana, professor of Public Health at the University of Indonesia is worried.

"The threat is there every day and it is escalating. We have to remember that in Japan a small place like Minamata shattered the whole world by revealing Minamata disease. In Indonesia, it's not only in one village, it's throughout the country. In nearly every province, there is small-scale gold mining."

And what is Rachmadi's fear if there is no action?

"A national disaster."

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[batavia-news] TNI reboots Soeharto program

 

Res: Pensiunan militer menduduki kursi-kursi penting administrasi sipil  dan pimpinan negara disertai TNI masuk desa, cocok untuk militerisasi kekuasaan negara a la Soeharto.
 
 

TNI reboots Soeharto program

The Indonesian Military (TNI) is reviving the community service program that was popularly known as ABRI Masuk Desa (AMD) during the New Order era.

There are reservations that the program could potentially be abused by certain political elites to garner support for the upcoming 2014 elections.

Under the revamped program, which is called TNI Manunggal Membangun Desa (TMMD), members of the TNI will be deployed to villages to build infrastructure and teach civic and defense strategy to the public.

The new program, which is to be implemented twice every year, is a continuation of the Soeharto-era ABM, which was terminated soon after the fall of the Army general's authoritarian regime in 1998.

Soeharto used the AMD as a tool to spy on any form of resistance toward his rule and to gain political support from villagers across the country for him to remain in power.

Army chief of staff Gen. Budiman gave assurances on Wednesday that the program would not be a repeat of the ABM, although its format was quite similar.

"We have no intention to enter into the civilian arena. As I said early on, my goal is to improve the military's professionalism by putting soldiers in the right places in this democratic state," he said during a press conference in Central Jakarta on Wednesday.

The first implementation of the program — which will run from Oct. 9 to 29, a mere six months before the 2014 presidential election — will also involve 1,000 recent university graduates selected by the Youth and Sports Ministry.

The program will leverage infrastructure development and public awareness programs in 61 regencies, 77 sub-districts and 99 villages across the country.

For the infrastructure projects, the military will help local residents build roads, bridges, mosques and other public facilities. For public awareness, the military, along with the new graduates, will counsel villagers about defense, rural prosperity, HIV/AIDS and other social issues.

Al-Araf, an analyst from the human rights organization Imparsial and a former lecturer at the Indonesian Defense University, said that the community service program could easily be abused for political objectives, especially in the run-up toward the 2014 general elections.

"I think this activity could also be used by certain political parties to gain grassroots support in the villages," he said.

Al-Araf also said that the military was not the ideal institution to be teaching villagers about state defense or civic education.

"Teaching state defense or civic education is the responsibility of local governments, not the military. Instead of teaching villagers, the TNI needs to focus on its readiness for preventing war or being involved in international peacekeeping operations," he said.

In recent years, the TNI has made inroads into having a greater role in politics.

Earlier this month, the Army signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) on counterterrorism with the National Counterterrorism Agency (BNPT).

Under the agreement, the military will be allowed to actively assist members of the public in tracing terror suspects or activities.

In July, the Army signed a MoU with the Trade Ministry to prevent smuggling at borders and ensure the smooth distribution of goods across the country. The agreement allows the Army to send troops to border areas to prevent illegal goods from entering the country.

The TNI will also help the government build 14 new highways, totaling 1,520 kilometers in length, in Papua and West Papua over the next two years. The heavy infrastructure development was recommended by the Presidential Unit to Accelerate the Development of Papua and West Papua (UP4B), as there are no private contractors that have the ability to do the job within the allocated budget of Rp 1.5 trillion (US$135.23 million).

Following the fall of the Soeharto regime, the new civilian government made efforts to abolish the military's sociopolitical role, which had been known as half of the military's dual function (Dwi fungsi).

In 1999, the Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI), which comprised the Police, the Army (TNI AD), the Navy (TNI AL) and the Air Force (TNI AU), changed its name to the Indonesian Military (TNI) and excluded the National Police. (koi)

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[batavia-news] JK serahkan soal capres ke Golkar

 

res: Benarkah "Suara Golkar – Sura Rakyat?. JK mimpi menjadi presiden atau wakil presiden, apakah ada kemungkinan mimpinya menjadi kenyataan untuk kali kedua?
 
 
 

JK serahkan soal capres ke Golkar

Minggu, 22 September 2013 10:56 WIB | 1861 Views

M. Jusuf Kalla. (ANTARA)

Yang bisa menilai kan Golkar sendiri, termasuk pengurus di daerah-daerah."
Video Terkait
Semarang (ANTARA News) - Mantan Wakil Presiden RI, M. Jusuf Kalla (JK), menyerahkan soal calon presiden yang akan diusung Partai Golongan Karya (Golkar) apakah tetap menjagokan Aburizal Bakrie atau tidak kepada pengurus partai berlambang pohon beringin itu.

"Saya tidak bisa menilai. Yang bisa menilai kan Golkar sendiri, termasuk pengurus di daerah-daerah," katanya, usai kegiatan jalan sehat kemanusiaan Palang Merah Indonesia (PMI) Jawa Tengah di Semarang, Minggu.

Peningkatan elektabilitas capres yang dijagokan Golkar, yakni Aburizal Bakrie atau Ical, kata dia, berkaitan dengan kemampuan para pengurus partai hingga ke daerah-daerah, termasuk upaya-upaya untuk meningkatkan elektabilitasnya.

Berkaitan dengan polemik antara Ketua Dewan Pertimbangan Golkar, Akbar Tanjung, dengan Ketua Umum Golkar, Aburizal Bakrie, soal usulan konvensi capres jika elektabilitas Ical masih rendah, JK enggan memberikan komentar.

"Ya itu kan antara ketua umum dengan dewan pertimbangan. Tentu biasa terjadi mereka saling memberikan pertimbangan-pertimbangan. Itu hak masing-masing mereka lah," kata Ketua Umum PMI tersebut.

Mantan Ketua Umum Partai Golkar itu juga enggan berkomentar saat ditanya apakah pencapresan Ical sudah menjadi harga mati bagi Golkar pada Pemilu 2014.

Editor: Priyambodo RH

COPYRIGHT © 2013

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