Sunday, March 2, 2014

[batavia-news] How to find grace after disgrace

 

 
Monday, March 03, 2014
 
 

How to find grace after disgrace

 
Whether or not the parliamentarians are innocent or guilty, the control and the power of politicians through force and corruption hurts

I was watching a panel discussion on a private television channel yesterday when a well-known politician and sitting MNA, Jamshed Khan Dasti, declared we have immoral politicians. If a politician is immoral and a liar in his personal life, how can he be trusted to make the most moral and beneficial decisions with his votes for his constituency and society in general? This latest accusation levels drug and alcohol addiction charges on parliamentarians living in the Parliament Lodges. Mr Dasti claims he will provide proof of his statement in the form of secretly taped videos of dance parties at the Parliament Lodges. If found true, how can parliamentarians be trusted at any level? We as a nation of people must speak up against this immorality.
Naturally, many people are frustrated with the corruption and ineptitude of politicians yet few ever challenge the immoral means of politicians. Of course, limited liability is especially appealing in today's corrupt justice system and politicians believe that to submit to the state through the judicial structure is to slap Lady Liberty in the face. Even though various regulatory policy and procedures can be set up by the state, these still leave politicians immune from, for example, the consequences of bad debt or defaults, or irresponsible and immoral behaviour.
Now, can you think of a good reason (other than conscientiousness, of course — and there is the political rub) for Mr Dasti to formulate such cumbersome things as articles of misconduct and inappropriate behaviour? Anyone with common sense understands that, with these devices, Mr Dasti might stand disqualified from parliament. Meanwhile, his fellow MNAs, television anchors and analysts may feel a sense of conspiracy, encouraging them to think that the government designed his outburst to divert attention when the National Security Policy is tabled in parliament. However, rumours and gossip are not proof. In a just legal system, this alleged unprincipled, immoral behaviour by parliamentarians would fade away, and reputation and responsibility would be revitalised.
Certainly, intelligence agencies represent the giant elephants in the room in today's security and risk management situations. Until these beasts are slain, along with the other beasts in the room, we can only speculate how inquiries directed by the honourable speaker of the National Assembly will shape up. Currently, there is a cesspool of corruption and a labyrinth of legal complexities, devised by politicians, regulatory officials, securities lawyers and their accomplices in government. The general legal framework ought to make one follow the escape trail in these matters. Additionally, the verdict from various corruption cases against politicians candidly reflects what happens to cases brought to accountability courts. Although, at this point, you might want to put on some rubber gloves and firmly affix a gas mask, it is pointless to explore the nature of the allegations any further.
The media attempts to replace the judgment of the complainant and, at the same time, flags the protest with the judgment of involved parties. Not only is this like pouring sand and molasses into the gears of a finely tuned machine, it also leads to the creation of processes that are less efficient, less functional, non-functional, or that produce the opposite of what one wants. As mentioned earlier, one could argue that laws and regulations in a country are basically reflections of the ethics of the general populace. If the general populace believes that being dishonest or unreasonable is helpful in order to run a business, for example, then that belief will be reflected in how regulatory agencies operate (guilty until you prove your innocence). Even the apathy that people show towards governmental corruption reflects their view of the virtue of integrity, at least on the political level, the level where most people remain resigned to the belief that nothing can be done.
Ethics in law is the mainstay of regulatory bodies. Of course, once you inspect the laws in any particular area of your life, you quickly realise that you are only looking at the foot of the legal monster that looms above you. So, here is the bottom line: if you are thinking of doing something maybe it is best not to see how many laws you are going to break, lest your plans are foiled. The key question then is this: by what right, by what code, by what standard do these parliamentarians believe that what they were doing was just and proper? One of their answers might be, "By the consent of the involved parties". Fortunately for the parliamentarians, the state is too busy working and preparing the first-ever counter-terrorism policy to really care about the immense moral debate about the character of parliamentarians.
I am not going to bore the reader by citing more of the sordid and voluminous details of the Parliament Lodges racket. Many astute television anchors and even conservative thinkers have covered that ground like a herd of angry buffalo. From what I can see, not even the most virulent weed could survive such a thorough trampling.
Does anyone seriously believe that unjust power does not tend to corrupt even the most well-intentioned and honest individuals? If the money you are spending does not come from your own bank account, what incentive will you have to monitor the balance? Furthermore, if you can escape justice and regulations, and adjust laws to suit you, why would you care about moral responsibility? Whether or not the parliamentarians are innocent or guilty, the control and the power of politicians through force and corruption hurts. It also hurts because it is supported by a corrupt bureaucracy that encourages self-disempowerment and dependency.
Incidentally, this is the main reason why Pakistan remains dangerous throughout the world. Outright political and business corruption, constant bribery, strong-arm police tactics and kangaroo courts reign. Instead of going from rags to riches, nearly everyone's rags get dirtier and more torn. Rather than being able to produce, save, invest, and consume, most are relegated to barely surviving, left bowing in homage to their present day feudal lords. So, all of us are unfortunate consumers of politics and the vast majority of us on the planet get the really raw end of the deal.
Politicians today are getting away with shameful and disgraceful behaviour. The state is complicit in this moral decay by brushing it under the carpet and avoiding any 'judging' of the actions of those involved. The problem with allowing our politicians to slide into moral relativity, though, is that it leads to a slippery slope. This collusion by politicians and the law is pointing the country in a dangerous direction and, unless stopped, will make it easier for corrupt politicians to humiliate the country. However, the goal must not be power — it must be character. Instead of looking to the Bill Clinton's of the world as the model for success, we should look to Muhammad Ali Jinnah.

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[batavia-news] Sharia versus secularism

 

 

Sharia versus secularism?

Sharia to these two extremes is what the Taliban propose: beheadings, harsh punishments, closing up of women behind closed doors and a rebellion against reason and rationality. Secularism to both these groups is a complete and total negation of religion

Maulana Abdul Aziz represents that very vocal section of our extreme right-wing, which thinks that everyone who disagrees with them is a kafir (infidel) and an enemy of Islam. There is another vocal section even smaller in number that feels that anyone who disagrees with their militant 'anti-religion-ism' is automatically an Islamist. To the former, sharia or shariat, and that too only their version, is a panacea for all ills confronting Pakistan. The other section feels that there are absolutely no redeeming features of religion and that religion, especially Islam, is in complete contravention of the principles of secularism, democracy and modernity.
Yet these two extremes have more in common than they would accept. For one thing they both have a very narrow and absolutist view of Islam as a religion, which one extreme champions and the other extreme denigrates. Both these extremes believe that Islam is inherently bigoted, misogynist, violent and anti-modern. One section celebrates this worldview while the other castigates it but both agree on the substance. Historically, they have another thing in common: both opposed the creation of this country — the former because they felt that the leaders of the Muslim movement were too secular and, in any event, extracted from various different sects within Islam such as Shia, Ismaili and Ahmedi sects, which offends their extremist Salafi brand of Islam and then there is the latter because they feel that Muslims did not exist as an entity and had no grievances or concerns whatsoever, economic or otherwise, and therefore the demand for Pakistan itself was communal.
Meanwhile, an ideological debate rages on in Pakistan as to whether Jinnah wanted a secular or an Islamic state. A study of his record will show that the man was no Islamist by any stretch of imagination and that he consistently wanted an inclusive and democratic state, which treated its citizens equally, a recurring theme in most of his pronouncements. When the Objectives Resolution was being debated, some members of the religious class paraded out an alleged letter that Jinnah had addressed to the Pir of Manki in the Frontier (now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) where he is supposed to have promised sharia. 
This letter, the veracity of which cannot be confirmed by the way as it does not appear in official records of Jinnah's correspondence, however does not promise sharia in the least. The operative line, which supposedly promised shariat reads as follows: "It is needless to emphasise that the Constituent Assembly, which would be predominantly Muslim in its composition would be able to enact laws for Muslims, not inconsistent with the shariat laws". In other words, he was saying that if you could convince compatriots through the ballot you could enact such laws, which may not be inconsistent with sharia and that these laws would be applicable to Muslims only. On the basis of this, both the aforesaid extremes claim that Jinnah promised sharia, which is just simply untrue.
Jinnah also told his audience in the Karachi Bar Association that the principles of democracy, equality and fraternity of justice were not in contravention to sharia. Whether he believed this or whether he was speaking in the idiom of his people is immaterial but what is clear is that he was not speaking of the straitjacket sharia, just as his secularism was not of a straitjacket variety. As a lawyer schooled in the Common Law tradition, the founding father of Pakistan was a strong believer in harmonious construction.
The two extremes I speak of however believe in straitjackets, both in sharia and secularism. Sharia to these two extremes is what the Taliban propose: beheadings, harsh punishments, closing up of women behind closed doors and a rebellion against reason and rationality.  Secularism to both these groups is a complete and total negation of religion. In doing so they are woefully ignorant of the history of secularism as it developed. The separation of church and state was not driven by the idea that religion ought to be discarded altogether. The first actual manifestation of the idea came from Roger Williams, a devout Christian theologian, who saw it essential for religious freedom. He was a puritan Christian who had profound religious disagreements with the established church in Massachusetts. Thus, contrary to what the militant anti-religion-ists would have us believe, secularism itself emerged from the rejection of a religious straitjacket. The term 'secular', which originated in Europe was itself used to refer to the clergy that did not belong to a church. The father of modern secularism, John Locke, derived his ideas of modern society from his Christian belief. Kemal Ataturk, the greatest and most successful of the secularists in the Muslim World, tried till the very end of his life to give his people a Turkish only version of the Quran to reinforce his project of modernisation. His biographer, Andrew Mango, writes revealingly about his reforms, "As a result, a new form of Islam, illogical in theory but viable in practice — Islam-within-secularism — gradually developed in Turkey" (Page 535, Ataturk by Andrew Mango).
In our Pakistani context, secularism would mean the liberty and freedom to disagree with Maulana Abdul Aziz and the Taliban on matters of faith. It would mean the freedom to believe in whatever faith or interpretation of a faith without interference from the state. The constitution — especially one that promises fundamental rights of freedom of speech and religion — therefore can only be an enabling and never an enforcing constitution.
Now coming to sharia and Islam, the question is whether Islam is fundamentally contrary to human rights and democracy. The best answer was given by Benazir Bhutto when she wrote about the early Muslim society, "Democracy was a consensus emerging from the free expression of the will of the small community as well as the implementation of Quranic ideals that we know to be intrinsic to democratic society: tolerance, pluralism, justice, law, equality and a fair economic system" (Page 73, Reconciliation by Benazir Bhutto). This is also the essence of secularism.
Muslims in general and Pakistanis in particular need to begin defining sharia as something bigger than merely harsh punishments, which have no place in the modern world and to stop conflating secularism with anti-religion-ism. The question of secular versus Islamic will become immaterial then

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[batavia-news] Pesan Megawati untuk Risma

 

 

Pesan Megawati untuk Risma

Sabtu, 1 Maret 2014 | 12:27 WIB
KOMPAS.com/Indra Akuntono Ketua Umum PDI Perjuangan Megawati Soekarnoputri

 

SURABAYA, KOMPAS.com — Ketua Umum Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (PDI-P) Megawati Soekarnoputri meminta Wali Kota Surabaya Tri Rismaharini untuk meneruskan tugas dan tanggung jawabnya sebagai wali kota. Megawati meminta Risma tegar menghadapi persoalan.

"Mbak kalau sebagai pemimpin itu, biasanya goyangan dan goncangannya luar biasa. Kalau sudah memimpin, apalagi memimpinnya diterima oleh masyarakat, teruskan saja. Pantang mundur, tetap tegar. Kalau tidak demikian, yang kasihan bukan siapa-siapa, tapi masyarakat, rakyat Surabaya sendiri. Jangan pikirkan yang lain-lain," kata Megawati menirukan pesan yang ia sampaikan kepada Risma di Surabaya, Sabtu (1/3/2014).

Megawati bersama Wakil Sekjen PDI-P Hasto Kristiyanto, Gubernur DKI Jakarta Joko Widodo, Tri Rismaharini, dan Wakil Wali Kota Surabaya Wisnu Sakti Buana menggelar jumpa pers menyikapi konflik yang terjadi di Surabaya terkait pengunduran diri Risma sebagai wali kota.

Sebelumnya, Hasto Kristiyanto menyatakan, seluruh persoalan terkait mundurnya Risma sudah selesai secara musyawarah. Risma siap melaksanakan arahan Ketua Umum DPP PDI-P untuk tidak mengundurkan diri (baca:
Megawati Larang Risma Mundur).

Menurut Megawati, berbagai pemberitaan mengenai persoalan Risma dan PDI-P Surabaya tak lepas dari peran media yang menurutnya senang memberitakan konflik. Terlebih lagi, kata dia, ini adalah tahun politik.

Pada tahun politik ini, ujarnya, ada berbagai pihak yang dengan sengaja mengganggu soliditas partai. Sebabnya, menurut Megawati, PDI-P adalah lawan tangguh dalam pemilihan legistlatif mendatang. Sejumlah survei kerap menyebut PDI-P bakal memperoleh suara signifikan.

"Ini tujuannya untuk mendegradasi kita. Seluruh petugas partai harus solid bekerja. Kita fokus memenangkan pileg mendatang," kata Megawati.

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[batavia-news] Soeharto titipkan 'wariskan' utang negara + SBY tinggalkan beban bagi penerusnya

 

res  : Warisan ini adalah harta karum rezim neo-Mojopahit  patut dipelihara dengan baik bagi turun-temurun.
 
 
Sunday, 02 March 2014 22:11    PDF Print E-mail
Soeharto titipkan 'wariskan' utang negara
Warta
WASPADA ONLINE

JAKARTA - Tumpukan utang Indonesia ditengarai merupakan warisan dari era kepemimpinan Presiden Soeharto.

Ekonom dari Untirta, Daniel Anzar, mengatakan, Soeharto saat itu tidak melihat jauh ke depan dan hanya mementingkan kenikmatan sesaat. Alhasil, berujung pada kesengsaraan masyarakat.

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"Kepemimpinan ekonomi zaman Pak Harto rabun jauh. Siapapun presidennya setelah Pak Harto akan menerima warisannya," kata Daniel dalam diskusi bertema Indonesia pasca-SBY (Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono), Cikini, Jakarta, hari ini.

Daniel menambahkan, pandangan masyarakat pada masa kepemimpinan Soeharto, soal ekonomi yang baik adalah hal yang wajar. Walaupun, sebenanrnya kebijakan tersebut menimbulkan persoalan ekonomi.

"Kalau mereka bilang enakan zaman Pak Harto, itu enggak salah karena di situ semua subsidi dibiayai utang dan eksploitasi besar-besaran," tegasnya.

Menurutnya, tantangan para pemimpin setelah masa orde baru yakni melakukan normalisasi terhadap utang-utang yang sudah ditimbun Soeharto. Salah satu cara untuk melakukan normalisasi utang ialah dengan cara mencabut semua subsidi yang pernah diberikan kepada rakyat pada era pemerintahan Soeharto.

"Itu tantangan kita saat ini di era reformasi. Kita harus menekan eksploitasi itu dengan cara menekan tingkat konsumsi masyarakat dan mencabut semua subsidi," tandasnya.
(dat06/okz/wol)
 
+++++
 
 
Sunday, 02 March 2014 23:10    PDF Print E-mail
SBY tinggalkan beban bagi penerusnya
Warta
WASPADA ONLINE

JAKARTA - Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) dinilai presiden yang lahir dari kerja pencitraan sehingga banyak kebijakan dan beban yang ditinggalkannya.

Itu dikatakan politisi PDI Perjuangan Masinton Pasaribu. Menurut dia, karena hanya kerja pencitraan saja, sehingga kerjaan tidak tuntas. Imbasnya, beban bagi presiden yang akan datang.

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"Pemimpin hari ini banyak warisan yang menjadi beban pasca ini (SBY)," kata Masinton Pasaribu dalam diskusi bertajuk "Indonesia pasca SBY", di Cikini, Jakarta, hari ini.

Menurutnya, masyarakat saat ini sudah tidak percaya lagi dengan pemerintahan. "Rakyat sudah tidak percaya pada institusi negara. Kalau mau berubah jangan melihat ke masa lalu," ujarnya.

Masinton menambahkan, Indonesia perlu pemimpin yang memiliki ideologi yang jelas. Sehingga, bisa menyelesaikan lima persoalan bangsa yang krusial.

Bagi dia, ada lima masalah yang harus ditangani yakni masalah kemajemukan, kedaulatan, kewibawaan, kesejahteraan dan korupsi.

"Pemimpin ke depan harus benar-benar punya ideologi, jadi punya arah. Sehingga persoalan kemajemukan, korupsi, kedaulatan, kewibawaan, dan kesejahteraan masih jadi tugas pokok pemimpin baru nanti bisa diatasi," tandasnya.

Disisi lain, politisi Partai Demokrat Kastorius Sinaga mengatakan, siapapun pemenang Pilpres 2014 harus meneruskan program pemerintahan Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY).

Menurutnya SBY telah membuat fondasi ekonomi yang kuat di Indonesia selama 10 tahun kepemimpinannya.

"Siapapun presidennya harus dijaga kesinambungannya terutama di bidang ekonomi," kata Kastorius dalam kesempatan yang sama.

Ketua Departemen Luar Negeri DPP Demokrat itu mengakui bahwa ada kekurangan dalam pemerintahan SBY. Menurutnya tidak mudah untuk menyelesaikan masalah-masalah yang ada di negeri ini.

"Di era SBY masalah ketahanan energi dan ketahanan pangan sudah membaik tapi saya harap presiden selanjutnya bisa melakukan yang lebih baik," ujarnya.

Selain itu, lanjutnya, hutang luar negeri Indonesia makin berkurang semenjak era Soeharto. Jadi siapapun yang mengatakan SBY tidak melakukan sesuatu terhadap hutang Indonesia, menurut Kastorius itu merupakan kekeliruan.

"Dari jaman Soeharto hutangnya sekitar 85 persen di era Megawati 56 persen, di era SBY tinggal 26 persen," katanya.

Selain itu, dia menyatakan partainya siap berkoalisi dengan partai apapun pada pemerintahan mendatang. "Kita siap asalkan ada kesamaan visi dan misi," pungkasnya.
(dat06/inilah)
 

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[batavia-news] The Ukraine crisis: John Kerry and Nato must calm down and back off

 

 
 

The Ukraine crisis: John Kerry and Nato must calm down and back off

The hysterical reaction to Russian military movements in Crimea won't help. Only Kiev can stop this crisis becoming a catastrophe
Simferopol, Crimea, on 2 March
Simferopol, Crimea, on 2 March. 'Underlying the crisis in Crimea and Russia's fierce resistance to potential changes is Nato's undisguised ambition to continue two decades of expansion.' Photograph: Ivan Sekretarev/AP

Both John Kerry's threats to expel Russia from the G8 and the Ukrainian government's plea for Nato aid mark a dangerous escalation of a crisis that can easily be contained if cool heads prevail. Hysteria seems to be the mood in Washington and Kiev, with the new Ukrainian prime minister claiming, "We are on the brink of disaster" as he calls up army reserves in response to Russian military movements in Crimea.

Were he talking about the country's economic plight he would have a point. Instead, along with much of the US and European media, he was over-dramatising developments in the east, where Russian speakers are understandably alarmed after the new Kiev authorities scrapped a law allowing Russian as an official language in their areas. They see it as proof that the anti-Russian ultra-nationalists from western Ukraine who were the dominant force in last month's insurrection still control it. Eastern Ukrainians fear similar tactics of storming public buildings could be used against their elected officials.

Kerry's rush to punish Russia and Nato's decision to respond to Kiev's call by holding a meeting of member states' ambassadors in Brussels today were mistakes. Ukraine is not part of the alliance, so none of the obligations of common defence come into play. Nato should refrain from interfering in Ukraine by word or deed. The fact that it insists on getting engaged reveals the elephant in the room: underlying the crisis in Crimea and Russia's fierce resistance to potential changes is Nato's undisguised ambition to continue two decades of expansion into what used to be called "post-Soviet space", led by Bill Clinton and taken up by successive administrations in Washington. At the back of Pentagon minds, no doubt, is the dream that a US navy will one day replace the Russian Black Sea fleet in the Crimean ports of Sevastopol and Balaclava.

Since independence, every poll in Ukraine has shown a majority against Nato membership, yet one after another the elites who ran the country until 2010 and who are now back in charge ignored the popular will. Seduced by Nato's largesse and the feeling of being part of a hi-tech global club, they took part in joint military exercises and even sent Ukrainian troops to Iraq and Afghanistan.

The deposed Viktor Yanukovych, for all his incompetence, corruption and abuse of power, was the first president to oppose Nato membership in his election campaign and then persuade parliament to make non-alignment the cornerstone of the country's security strategy, on the pattern of Finland, Ireland and Sweden. Nato refused to accept it. As recently as 1 February, before the latest crisis, Anders Fogh Rasmussen, the empire-building secretary general, told a security conference in Munich: "Ukraine must have the freedom to choose its own path without external pressure." The implication was clear: if only it were not for those beastly Russians, Ukraine would be one of us. Had Rasmussen said: "Ukraine has chosen nonalignment and we respect that choice," he would have been wiser.

It is not too late to show some wisdom now. Vladimir Putin's troop movements in Crimea, which are supported by most Russians, are of questionable legality under the terms of the peace and friendship treaty that Russia signed with Ukraine in 1997. But their illegality is considerably less clear-cut than that of the US-led invasion of Iraq, or of Afghanistan, where the UN security council only authorised the intervention several weeks after it had happened. And Russia's troop movements can be reversed if the crisis abates. That would require the restoration of the language law in eastern Ukraine and firm action to prevent armed groups of anti-Russian nationalists threatening public buildings there.

The Russian-speaking majority in the region is as angry with elite corruption, unemployment and economic inequality as people in western Ukraine. But it also feels beleaguered and provoked, with its cultural heritage under existential threat. Responsibility for eliminating those concerns lies not in Washington, Brussels or Moscow, but solely in Kiev

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[batavia-news] Last update 2 March 2014 8:10 am

 

res: Di tanah suci ada juga banyak yang tidak suci.
 

 

A thousand cars stolen in three months in Jeddah

JEDDAH: NADIM AL-HAMID

Published — Sunday 2 March 2014

 

The number of car thefts in Jeddah is rising at an alarming rate, police say.
"More than 1,000 cars have been stolen in the past three months. Some of them had valuables inside them at the time and had been broken into," Lt. Nawaf Al-Bouq, spokesman of Jeddah police, said. Police have managed to track down only 400 of the stolen cars so far, he added.
The figures are based on the complaints registered with Jeddah police in the past three months.
Al-Bouq urged car owners to take precautionary measures to guard against robbery and ensure that their cars are properly locked. He added that most of the thefts took place in the old and poor neighborhoods of Jeddah such as Al-Baghdadia, Al-Sharafiah, Al-Saheefa and Al-Ruwais because of the presence of a large number of violators of the residency and labor laws in these areas.
Meanwhile, 11 cars belonging to students of a secondary school in the city were broken into and valuables taken this week.
"I lost some cash, my family ID card, ATM card, road license of the car and the driving license," Muhammad Al-Sulami, one of the students, said.
Another student, Mazin Muzjaji, said his car window was broken by some car thieves during the class hours. He found that an expensive mobile phone that he kept in the car was missing.
Ibrahim Bahashwan said the windows of his car were broken with a hammer and a music recorder was stolen. He added that all four tires of his car were also removed.

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[batavia-news] In Bandung, Activists Fight Adolescent Prostitution

 

 

In Bandung, Activists Fight Adolescent Prostitution

27 Razia Saritem3.jpg

Underage prostitution is booming in Bandung, activists warn, as girls from broken homes try to find a quick escape. (JG Photo)

Bandung. A call to Cimoy's cellphone interrupts our interview and almost immediately, without excusing herself, she answers it. The conversation is brief, and from where I'm sitting all I can hear is a mumbling as she tries hard to keep her conversation private.

"A client?" I ask to confirm my suspicion. Cimoy, who refuses to provide her full name, nods without a word. Her eyes remain fixed on her phone. She makes a call to one of her "ladies," asking her to go to a place the client has specified: a karaoke parlor in the central Bandung area. "A [political] party official is having a birthday," Cimoy says; the client has requested eight escorts.

Cimoy is in her early 20s, but has since the age of 14 been pimping out a harem of 19 teenage girls to paying customers.

She says it all started when she was tricked by her sister's boyfriend into coming to a hotel. Her sister's boyfriend told Cimoy to pick him and her sister up.

"When I got to the room my sister wasn't there. Instead, there was a man," she says. He tried to rape her and she fended him off. "I punched him. But eventually I told him that I knew a friend who might be willing [to sleep with him]. He said OK."

Cimoy soon realized that she could make a lot of money pimping her friends. Initially she recruited four of her friends to run the business, and over time the number grew to 19, most of them aged 15 and 16 years old.

Cimoy's girls are among the thousands of underage prostitutes working in Bandung today, according to Hadi Utomo, chairman of the Bahtera Foundation, which fights sexual exploitation and trafficking.

The foundation and two other nongovernmental organizations have interviewed more than 700 underage prostitutes and concluded that like Cimoy, most are not in it just for the money.

"Our research has dismissed all these expert opinions that suggest that [prostitution] is driven by economic pressure," Hadi says.

Instead, most of the underage prostitutes operating in Bandung come from a broken family, the interviews found. Prostitution provides the girls with an escape from the domestic problems at home and allows them to be independent, living on their own.

Cimoy says there is strong demand for escorts and prostitutes, particularly from public officials and businessmen, who often stage meetings and seminars in the scenic West Java capital. A number of hotels in Bandung even keep a list of her girls along with their rates, she says.

Cimoy says that when she started six years ago, her girls were commanding fees of Rp 300,000 to Rp 500,000 ($26 to $43) for each encounter with a client. Today, they charge from Rp 1 million to Rp 2.5 million per date. Cimoy says she makes Rp 30 million a month.

With very little protection from law enforcers, victims of sexual violence in Indonesia can wind up in a vicious cycle that pushes them into prostitution.

Sixteen-year-old Putri (not her real name) says she was raped by her boyfriend when she was 13 and had to undergo an abortion.

She says that after she was raped, she was stigmatized. Not even her teachers offered any comfort or counseling let alone protection, and her friends at school called her a whore. At home, neighbors whispered all sorts of things about her. She dropped out of the eighth grade a few months later.

She began working as a hostess at a karaoke parlor in north Bandung. Putri says the job offered her freedom, away from the shame she felt at home and at school. But the hours were long, lasting until 3 a.m., and she was often harassed by clients. "Once there was someone who tried to undress me. I hit him with a glass," she says.

Putri says her stated salary was just Rp 750,000 per month, but she made substantially more in tips. The money was enough to feed herself, her mother and two sisters, but the temptation to earn more always lurked.

After several months of working at the karaoke parlor, she agreed to have sex with a customer who offered to pay her more than what she made in a month.

Hadi says sexual exploitation and trafficking in Bandung have reached alarming levels, and accuses the government of doing little to stop them. Authorities at the national, provincial and municipal levels have enacted laws and regulations to prevent sexual exploitation, "but they are just words without actual implementation because there is no institution tasked specifically to enforce out these [regulations]," he says.

The police have their own unit for women and children, which deals with underage prostitution, and there are institutions like the National Family Planning Coordination Board (BKKBN) and the Indonesian Commission for Child Protection (KPAI), but they each only deal with narrowly defined aspects of this complicated issue, Hadi says.

The government's Social Affairs Ministry has a program to rehabilitate prostitutes by giving them vocational training. Bandung Mayor Ridwan Kamil also plans to build a seven-hectare facility to provide counseling and get underage prostitutes off the streets by teaching them sewing, cooking and hairdressing skills.

"This is a problem of damaged souls, morals and emotions, but they try to fix these with skills. This won't lead to improvement," Hadi says.

Ridwan acknowledges that addressing underage prostitution is not high on the list of issues facing the teeming city of Bandung. "But that doesn't mean we ignore [underage prostitution]. I've only been mayor for three months," he reminds the Jakarta Globe recently.

"We all know West Java, and Bandung, is a major route for human trafficking. I want to invite NGOs so we can formulate a solution together. The bottom line is… I am also concerned about this."

Hadi says it takes patience and persistence to combat sexual exploitation, a mind-set he says is lacking among government agencies and officials.

"We need to treat the girls as dignified human beings, without prejudice or arrogance that they are prostitutes," he says.

"Only when mutual respect is earned can we start to discuss with them the dangers of their profession."

Hadi's foundation has been tirelessly advocating for protection for children against sexual exploitation since 1995. Roni, one of just 10 volunteers working for the foundation, says he spends most of his time talking with these girls who often feel abandoned by their family.

By engaging gradually with them he gains their trust. Only after one or two years of getting to know them do they talk more openly about their sexual activities and how they are trapped in their profession, allowing Roni to map out just how deeply they have been exploited and identify the culprits.

Roni says he counsels around 200 prostitutes, all of whom are between 13 and 17 years old. Most are like Putri, working at karaoke parlors, officially as hostesses but in reality as escorts and prostitutes.

For most it is hard to escape life as a prostitute.

"According to these kids the job is easy… and profitable compared to being a store clerk, for example, who only makes Rp 1.5 million a month," Roni says. "They know the risks… but they consider them challenges or occupational hazards."

Cimoy knows the risks all too well. Her relationship with her family is shattered. She hasn't seen her parents in ages. At one point she developed a drug addiction, and today has three children with three different men.

"The government won't do anything to stop this from happening. They are the very people who use my services," she says.

Roni remains hopeful about the Bahtera Foundation's advocacy, saying that 40 percent of the girls he talks with are slowly starting to move away from prostitution, including Putri.

Putri recently quit her job at the karaoke parlor and plans to look for steady work. Cimoy, meanwhile, swears that she only provides escorts and doesn't sell sex, but Roni is apprehensive.

"Most of the time they return back to their old profession, because it's like an addiction," he says.

He says the girls are under the illusion that they are enjoying freedom. But what they don't understand, he says, is at what price that freedom comes, and what happens next for them.

 

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