How to Deal With the Growing Threat of Extremism?
Activists of the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) seen in Yogyakarta. (JG Photo/ Boy T. Harjanto)
Jakarta. "Much of the world could learn a great deal from your tradition of religious tolerance and pluralism, which is so clearly embedded in the DNA of Indonesian people," said US Secretary of State John Kerry, during his visit to Indonesia in February.
A few months later, Amnesty International released a post on their human rights blog, Livewire, titled "Indonesia: No longer a haven of religious tolerance."
Laughable though that juxtaposition may be, it highlights a rather unsettling point: one can no longer ignore the growing schism between reality and rhetoric which has infiltrated Indonesian society. Increasing incidents of religious violence have been met with harsh words and condolences to the victims, but not much more.
"Human rights showed little improvement in 2013, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's last full year in office. He made public appeals for greater religious freedom, but national authorities continued to respond weakly to growing violence and discrimination against religious minorities like Ahmadis, Christians, and Shias," read the opening statement on the Human Rights Watch's page on Indonesia.
Whoever comes to occupy the Presidential Palace will have his work cut out for him. The two presidential contenders have proclaimed their intent to protect the people and interests of the Republic of Indonesia, but may elect to take different paths to achieve their goals.
Rule of law, law of the land
Nevertheless, a tolerance for extremism is no longer a viable option. Several experts expressed their concerns that extremism, when left alone, has the potential to transmute itself into more dangerous forms.
"Extremism that is not prevented can transform into radicalism," said Anggi Aulia, a criminologist with the University of Indonesia in an e-mailed statement. "Radicalism is the process of admitting to and using force and fear as methods to enact change in the populace. Of course, this is undesirable."
An increasingly tense situation in the Middle East has raised concerns of the possibility of a similar situation replicating itself in Indonesia. BBC Indonesia has reported that several hard-line groups in Indonesia have expressed their support for the Islamic insurgency group that calls itself Islamic State. Although a follow-up article later quoted scholar Komaruddin Hidayat in saying that such an exclusivist ideology "did not attract" Indonesians, some are still worried.
"These groups are already in Indonesia, … and they have already campaigned at the Hotel Indonesia roundabout [in the center of Jakarta]," he said. "This is what should be a warning to the government."
This is not to say that Indonesia is a country bubbling with ready-made jihadists. Most Indonesians are of a moderate, accepting disposition. Unfortunately, they are increasingly finding themselves drowned out by radical voices. Government and police inaction might be part of the reason why the silence of civil society is becoming increasingly deafening.
In a phone interview with the Jakarta Globe, Irine H. Gayatri, a researcher at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences' (LIPI) Research Center for Politics, has condemned police inaction against hard-line groups such as the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI).
"This way people clearly see that not only are the police helpless in protecting them … but [what's] more is that people know they are less protected by the police," she said, while discussing the vigilante actions taken by the FPI during Ramadan. "This is what makes people reluctant to push demands regarding the FPI."
Bantarto Bandoro, a professor at the Indonesia Defense University, presented a similar analysis.
"The reluctance or the slowness of the government in resolving the actions of hard-line groups that have already disturbed order and public safety is only going to make the government less trusted by the public, and viewed as not being serious in their efforts to resolve [these] extremist actions," he said.
On policies against terrorism, which one could argue is the final form of extremism, Bandoro said that "the failure of the government … is only going to make the public apathetic towards government policies regarding the handling of terrorism."
Action must be taken to ensure that the fear and bullying exercised by these extremist groups do not become something expected of Indonesia. The failure of the relevant law-enforcement bodies to enforce the rule of law will only encourage disillusionment, and a resigned acceptance of an unfavorable reality.
However, it remains clear that tougher enforcement mechanisms will do little without a supportive legal foundation — the law of the land itself does little to guard against the tide of intolerance. Indonesia has passed the kind of legislation deemed oppressive in other democracies, with pieces such as a blasphemy law and a joint-ministerial decree banning proselytization by the Ahmadiyah sect.
According to Ikrar Nusa Bhakti, a political scientist at LIPI, such laws could be used to legitimize vigilante actions, as well as protect perpetrators from facing justice. He said that it was important for the government to first come up with a unified vision on what is meant by radicalism. Only then can the government effectively utilize the safety mechanisms in place.
"This is not an easy task, but I think we need to take this on in steps," he said.
New directions
Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo has seen a meteoric rise up the political ladder in the last few years, and has ridden strong on the waves of immense public support. Former general Prabowo Subianto, on the other hand, has amassed his own army in the form of a sizable coalition to back him up in parliament and elections.
Whether or not this difference might have an impact in future efforts to enact change is debatable.
"I don't think [Jokowi] would have the power and authority to control parliament the way he would like to. Prabowo probably has the handle on that, because he controls more seats in the House of Representatives," says Mayling Oey-Gardiner, a demography professor at the University of Indonesia. She added that Prabowo might have more real power than his rival.
Ikrar, on the other hand, contends that political battle lines will be more malleable once the election season is over, permitting productive cooperation.
"Also, don't forget that Jusuf Kalla has experience in resolving differences in opinion or policies in the parliament while he was vice president. And also … it isn't impossible that, should Jokowi win, a new alliance will form."
Conversely, Prabowo's wide berth of supporters might be detrimental to his agenda for change in the future. Ikrar pointed to the fact that Prabowo had amassed support in conservative Muslim areas — even that of the FPI.
"Political contracts, written or unwritten, involve 'give and take.' If [the Prabowo-Hatta pair] has received support, they have to give back, which takes the form of the demands from these non-moderate actors," he cautioned.
Anies Baswedan, the official spokesman for the Jokowi-JK campaign effort, agrees that rule of law is the most immediate step to be taken in order to resolve the issue at hand.
"The challenge here, in our society in Indonesia, can be broken down into three main areas: the economy, politics or democracy, and the third is rule of law. Our economy is doing OK. Our democracy is also doing OK, compared to many other new democracies … but the rule of law is very bad. Not only on the issue of religion-related violence, but even … legal problems, do not get proper verdicts in the court," he said.
"So there is a problem in our court system, that needs to be fixed."
"If the president clearly sends a strong message to the judicial aspect of our system … Then, it can help to create pressure on the courts."
Better law enforcement, he said, was the most immediate step to be taken. Regulations were already in place, but a lax justice system was the root of the problem. Secondly, Jokowi-JK would seek to "rebuild and restrengthen the spirit of tolerance" through education," Anies said.
"Families and schools, should respect diversity, and students should experience the beauty of diversity," he added.
"If Indonesia can be a state that is religion-friendly, and a democracy, and can create a balance about the role of the state in the area of religion it could be a model to the world."
Fadli Zon, the general secretary of Prabowo's Merah-Putih coalition, emphasized discourse and understanding.
"The root of the problem of extremism and intolerance that must be faced in Indonesia, [is] the [lack of] understanding [when it comes to] true religion, emphasizing the aspect of [respecting] differences of opinion, and [not claiming] to be the most correct," he said in a text message.
"In my opinion, Prabowo's plan is that he wants to unite all religious groups and races and to educate them on Bhineka Tunggal Ika," said Mel Gunawan, of Tunas Indonesia Raya, the youth organization of Prabowo's Great IndonesiaMovement (Gerindra) party.
"When we are united we can have a stronger and better country and escape the heavy influence by other powerful countries, like the United States or Australia. Prabowo comes from a military background, he is very humble and well educated and he understands how to deal with these extremist groups."
This commentary is part of a special coverage on Indonesia's presidential election.
Posted by: "Sunny" <ambon@tele2.se>
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