Friday, July 11, 2014

[batavia-news] O caliph, my caliph!

 

 

O caliph, my caliph!

The modern nation state, as we have come to know and love it, is experiencing a coup de grâce as we speak. The international political scenario changes ever so slowly but, even at its glacial pace, the scenario has changed drastically

The Middle East, in its colonial interpretation at least, is dead. What started as an Anglo-French ploy with the circuitous designs of Mark Sykes and Francois Picot, has now reached its terminus nearly a century later. With the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS or whatever the acronym is nowadays), the artificial borders of various states like Iraq, Syria, Jordan and Lebanon, never corresponding to ethnic-religious boundaries in the first place, are all but extinct now.
Also, something that has been true for a long time now will at least get some recognition: the days of US hegemony in the Middle East are also numbered. Gone are the times when US presidents commanded loyalty from the authoritarian rulers in the region. Although the Arab Spring might not have been able to achieve its objectives (revolutions rarely do), the subsequent civil warfare has proved to be the death knell for US power. Combine that with the withdrawal from Iraq (already undertaken) and Afghanistan (due at the end of this year), and you can see why no one looks towards the Oval Office for a script anymore.
Additionally, with a dithering Iraqi government under Maliki, and lush sources of funding, the rise of ISIS is a harbinger for increased Sunni influence in the Middle East. Contrastingly, it also brings an opportunity for Iran to purge itself of its nefarious image to some extent, and work with the international community to mitigate this threat. However, the rise of the Islamic state and al-Baghdadi also increases the chances of an all-out Sunni-Shia conflict in the region, on the lines of the Iran-Iraq war.
Suffice it to say that the political (and territorial) landscape in the Middle East is changing faster than you can say 'I told you so' but what if the current events are only the smoke, and not the fire itself? Can we be sure that we have diagnosed the disease correctly this time? I do not think so.
What if the events in the Middle East can kindle the embers of another, much bigger fire? What, you ask, can this deeper problem be? Here is a hint: the modern nation state, as we have come to know and love it, is experiencing a coup de grâce as we speak. The international political scenario changes ever so slowly but, even at its glacial pace, the scenario has changed drastically. Whereas once kingdoms and empires were the norm, we now have the nation state as the political yardstick for progress. Leaving aside the setups prevalent before the Treaty of Westphalia (1648), the subsequent years saw the rise of the nation state, with (supposedly) homogenous linguistic, ethnic and religious communities. Later on, the absolute monarchies of the past gave way to liberal-democratic regimes and, throughout the years, more sections of the populace have been given voice through socio-economic and political rights.
Coming back to the issue though, we can argue that the 19th century was the time of empires, whereas the 20th century saw the nation state emerge. But what can we look forward to in the 21st century? Not to put too fine a point on it but replacing the empire was easy; we already had the republic to look up to. However, in these end times, do we have a theoretical and practical replacement for the nation state?
There has been no mistaking the fact that the nation state has been on the decline for some time now. Growing pressures from globalisation, mobility, economic and regional integration and the rise of non-state actors have proved to be a bane for the nation state. But, in the face of all this, it has survived. Until now, that is. What we are experiencing now are the very last breaths of a dying organism.
Unable to face the challenges that have been laid down in its path, the nation state is giving way to a new world order where territorial borders do not matter that much and an ever-mobile citizenry does not rely on the state for the provision of services, security included. Furthermore, the state's security and control apparatus are fast drawing criticism from its citizens that have come to take liberty for granted. Moreover, the escalation of stateless, unbounded militant terrorism is akin to death by a thousand cuts for the nation state. Agreed that the nation state is still putting up a strong resistance, but the tide has turned now. All of the social, political, economic and even technological progress the nation state engendered is, in a cruel twist of fate, proving to be its nemesis now.
So, if change is inevitable, what do we replace the nation-state with?
Hunter-gatherer communities? Security enclaves? Regional integration with open/porous borders? A caliphate? The possibilities are endless. Dream on.

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[batavia-news] Shun extremism, Afghan Taleban tell Muslims

 

 

Shun extremism, Afghan Taleban tell Muslims


New

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[batavia-news] Poland hospital chief fired for refusing abortion on religious grounds

 

 

Poland hospital chief fired for refusing abortion on religious grounds

Date  July 11, 2014
  • Dr Bogdan Chazan has been dismissed for refusing to carry out an abortion on religious grounds.

    Dr Bogdan Chazan has been dismissed for refusing to carry out an abortion on religious grounds. Photo: Reuters

    Warsaw: The head of a Polish public hospital has been dismissed for refusing, on religious grounds, to carry out an abortion on a woman whose unborn baby suffered from serious malformations.

    The mayor of Warsaw ordered the dismissal of Bogdan Chazan, after the doctor invoked his Catholic faith to refuse to carry out the procedure, a city hall spokesman said on Thursday.

    "A doctor can refuse to carry out an abortion on moral grounds, but a public hospital cannot," spokesman Bartosz Milczarczyk said.

    The woman was referred to another public hospital, but by then she was five days past the legal 24-week abortion limit.

    She carried the child to term, giving birth on June 30, only for the baby to die nine days later, on Wednesday, Polish media reported.

    Staunchly-Catholic Poland allows abortion up to 12 weeks of pregnancy in cases of rape or incest, or 24 weeks in cases of irreversible fetal malformation or a threat to the mother's life.

    After that time the procedure can be allowed on a case-by-case basis if the mother's life is at risk.

    State prosecutors in the Polish capital have opened an investigation into the woman's case, while her lawyer is seeking damages from the hospital.

    The doctor's dismissal has polarised debate between pro-choice and anti-abortion camps in the country, whose abortion laws are among the most restrictive in Europe.

    Cardinal-Archbishop of Warsaw, Kazimierz Nycz, dubbed Dr Chazan's dismissal "a dangerous precedent", breaching constitutional guarantees for freedom of conscience.

    "Politicians cannot make doctors act against their conscience," he said.

    But Wanda Nowicka, deputy speaker of parliament and a women's rights advocate, said while it isn't the first time a woman was refused her right to a legal abortion, "this time the state decided not to sweep it under the rug and is dealing with it".

    Women's rights groups have hailed the decision to dismiss Dr Chazan as both legal and appropriate.

    Agence France-Presse

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    [batavia-news] Dokumen rencana pemberontakan PKI ditemukan

     

     
     
     

    Dokumen rencana pemberontakan PKI ditemukan

    Senin, 30 Juni 2014 17:01 WIB | 62748 Views

    Dokumen rencana pemberontakan PKI ditemukan

    Foto dokumentasi pemberangusan anggota atau simpatisan Partai Komunis Indonesia pasca pemberontakan mereka pada Oktober 1965. Sampai kini masih sangat banyak informasi ataupun penggalan sejarah otentik yang gelap tentang pemberontakan PKI ini. (kvltmagz.com)

    ... Ada sisa-sisa PKI bercokol di media massa... "
     
     
    Surabaya (ANTARA News) - Dokumen kecil berisi rencana pemberontakan PKI dengan target mendirikan negara komunis di Indonesia ditemukan ahli sejarah Universitas Negeri Surabaya, Prof Dr Aminuddin Kasdi.
     
    "Jadi, pengakuan pihak tertentu ada skenario ABRI melakukan penangkapan orang-orang PKI setelah Oktober atau ada pembantaian terencana oleh NU terhadap PKI, ternyata tidak didukung bukti historis," katanya, kepada ANTARA, di Surabaya, Senin.
     
    Menurut dia, fakta yang sebenarnya justru ada dalam buku kecil atau buku saku tentang ABC Revolusi yang ditulis CC (Comite Central) PKI pada 1957, yang merinci tiga rencana revolusi atau pemberontakan PKI tentang negara komunis di Indonesia.
     
    "Buku yang saya temukan itu justru membuktikan bahwa rencana pemberontakan PKI yang diragukan sejumlah pihak itu ada dokumen historisnya, bahkan dokumen itu merinci tiga tahapan pemberontakan PKI yang semuanya gagal, lalu rumorpun diembuskan untuk mengaburkan fakta," katanya.
     
    Tanpa menyebut asal-usul dokumen yang terlihat lusuh itu, ia mengaku bersyukur dengan temuan dokumen yang tak terbantahkan itu.
     
    "Kalau ada orang NU melakukan pembunuhan, itu bukan direncanakan, tapi reaksi atas sikap PKI sendiri yang menyebabkan chaos itu," katanya.
     
    Ia menjelaskan sikap PKI memang menyakitkan, sehingga NU melakukan reaksi balik. "PKI melakukan provokasi dengan ludruk yang temanya menyakitkan, seperti matinya Tuhan, malaikat yang tidak menikah karena belum dikhitan, dan banyak lagi," katanya.
     
    Oleh karena itu, ia mengimbau masyarakat jangan terpengaruh dengan provokasi politik yang didukung media massa untuk "membesarkan" PKI guna mengaburkan sejarah dengan menghalalkan segala cara.
     
    "Kita jangan terpancing dengan sisa-sisa orang PKI di berbagai lini yang berusaha membangkitkan mimpi tentang negara komunis melalui media massa, buku-buku, dan semacamnya yang seolah-olah benar dengan bersumber kesaksian," kata dia.
     
    "Ada sisa-sisa PKI bercokol di media massa," katanya pula.
     
    Ia menambahkan, testimoni berbagai pihak itu mungkin benar, namun testimoni itu bersumber dari individu-individu yang tidak mengetahui skenario besar dari PKI untuk merancang tiga revolusi dengan goal untuk mendirikan negara komunis di Indonesia.
     
    "Saya bukan hanya bersaksi, karena saya juga sempat mengalami sejarah pemberontakan PKI itu dan lebih dari itu, saya mempunyai bukti yang sangat gamblang dari dokumen PKI sendiri," katanya.
     
    Senada dengan itu, guru besar Universitas dr Soetomo Surabaya, Prof Dr Sam Abede Pareno, menyatakan, buku Memoir on The Formation of Malaysia, karya Ghazali Shafie terbitan Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, menunjukkan kaitan erat Konfrontasi Indonesia-Malaysia dengan PKI.
     
    "Dalam buku itu jelas Bung Karno tidak menghadiri persidangan puncak dengan Tungku Abdul Rachman di Tokyo pada tahun 1963, karena PKI tidak suka dengan pertemuan itu," kata penulis buku Rumpun Melayu, Mitos dan Realitas itu.
     
    Oleh karena itu, konfrontasi Indonesia-Malaysia itu bukan sekadar demo anti-Indonesia atau demo anti-Malaysia, melainkan PKI merancang konfrontasi itu agar rencana besar (negara komunis) tidak "terbaca".
     
    Apalagi Bung Karno melontarkan gagasan nasionalis, agama, dan komunis yang justru "melindungi" gerakan PKI.
     
    "PKI memang selalu memanfaatkan kelengahan pemerintah Indonesia yang sibuk menghadapi Agresi Militer I Belanda pada 1947 dengan aksi terpusat di Madiun pada 1948," katanya.
     
    "Lalu ketika pemerintah sibuk dengan Ganyang Malaysia yang juga mereka sponsori itu, PKI menikam dari belakang dengan Gerakan 30 September 1965," katanya.
     
    Pada Juli ini juga ada beberapa agenda besar nasional, di antara yang terbesar adalah Pemilu Presiden 9 Juli nanti yang menyerap sejumlah besar pengerahan sumber daya nasional.

    Editor: Ade Marboen

    COPYRIGHT © 2014

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    [batavia-news] Aburizal not promised post of chief minister: Hatta

     

     
    res : Sirkus Pemilu 2014,   siapa pun yang ungul menjadi "raja" akan membutuhkan Golkar!
    d
     

    Aburizal not promised post of chief minister: Hatta

    Hatta Rajasa, the running mate of presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto, denied on Friday that the pair had ever promised a top Cabinet position to Golkar Party chairman Aburizal Bakrie.

    Hatta seemed to contradict Prabowo's earlier statement that he had offered Aburizal the position of menteri utama, or chief minister, in return for Golkar's support.

    "The chief ministerial [position] does not exist in law," he said on the sidelines of the declaration of support from former national athletes' for Prabowo and Hatta at the Gelora Bung Karno stadium in Central Jakarta. He added that the pair had also not promised Cabinet seats to members of the coalition who supported their candidacies.

    Prabowo previously said that there would be a professional "chief minister" who would manage the grand plan to speed up development. "Thank God, he [Aburizal] is willing [to accept the offer]," Prabowo said after visiting Aburizal's home on Jl. Ki Mangunsarkoro in Jakarta earlier this month.

    He said the position offered was a key position to control the economy of the fourth-most populous country in the world.

    Prabowo said that Aburizal was capable of handling such a task because the Golkar chairman had served as coordinating economic minister from 2004 until 2005 and coordinating minister for people's welfare from 2005 until 2009.

    Shortly after Prabowo made the offer, Aburizal declared Golkar's support for the Gerindra Party-led coalition, despite speculation that the party would team up with Gerindra's rival, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).

    The offer has been criticized by constitutional experts who say the country's system of government would have to be changed from presidential to parliamentary for such a ministerial position to exist.

    University of Indonesia (UI) political law expert Ganjar Laksmana Bonaprapta, for example, said that the country did not recognize such a ministerial position.

    "Chief minister in the English language means prime minister. We don't recognize that," he told The Jakarta Post on Friday.

    Despite the conflicting stances, Aburizal appeared to still hold out hope on the offer. "We'll see later [whether I will get the position or not]," he told the Post when asked about the issue.

    The head of Prabowo–Hatta's campaign team, Mahfud MD, meanwhile, said that there was no need to make a fuss about the offer because it was fully constitutional. "There is no formal term for chief minister. It can be called head minister, coordinating minister, prime minister, whatever. There's no problem. It's legit," he said on Thursday.

    Therefore, he insisted, Prabowo would not change the presidential system as stipulated in the 1945 Constitution. "It won't change. Everything is already stipulated in the ministerial law. The position probably will be the same as coordinating minister. The position of coordinating minister itself is not stipulated in law. It is the creation of the President himself," he said.

    Ganjar, however, said that a chief minister would be different from a coordinating minister.

    "We already have coordinating ministers. If he [Prabowo] wants to position someone above coordinating ministers, we can actually call the position anything," he said. "But I'm worried that it wouldn't be effective."

    Ganjar reasoned that such a position would only make the government bureaucracy bigger than before as it would add another layer between the coordinating ministers and the president.

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    [batavia-news] Both candidates claim victory in tight Indonesian election

     

     
     

    Both candidates claimed victory Wednesday in Indonesia's presidential election, the tightest race since the former Southeast Asian dictatorship made the transition to democratic politics less than two decades ago.

    Joko Widodo, the popular chief executive of the capital city, Jakarta, said he had won based on samples of votes being counted at 480,000 polling stations nationwide that gave him a lead of between 4 and 6 percentage points. The so-called quick counts have accurately forecast results in the last several national elections.

    But Widodo's rival, Prabowo Subianto, a former head of Indonesia's special forces, refused to concede defeat. An hour after Widodo delivered a victory speech – at the plaza where the former Dutch possession declared independence in 1945 – Subianto told supporters that "our team has won in many provinces and many areas.

    With official results not due until next month, the world's fourth most populous nation was poised for several more weeks of tension after a gritty campaign that was marred in its final weeks by ferocious smears against Widodo that played on Indonesia's religious and political sensitivities.

    The claims against Widodo, better known by the nickname Jokowi, falsely accused him of being a closet Christian with Chinese roots, damaging his standing among Indonesia's overwhelmingly Muslim population. The smears likely contributed to a dramatic drop in his pre-election poll numbers, which went from a 30-point advantage over Subianto to the two being in a dead heat.

    Sixteen years after the fall of dictator Suharto amid economic chaos in 1998, analysts say Indonesia has become one of Asia's most vibrant democracies. This election was the first in which the incumbent, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, was term-limited, and the two-man race was a contest of two starkly different candidates.

    Subianto, usually known as Prabowo, was a general in Suharto's government and has a brusque and impatient demeanor, with a rousing stage presence. His boisterous rallies and slick online campaign were a sharp contrast with Widodo's self-effacing, man-of-the-people style and sometimes chaotic public events.

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    [batavia-news] Waspadai Rekapitulasi

     

     
     

    Waspadai Rekapitulasi

    Jum'at, 11 Juli 2014 Penulis: TOSIANI/AB/Tes/X-5
    BADAN Pengawas Pemilu mengajak semua pihak untuk mengawasi proses rekapitulasi berjenjang pasca pemungutan suara pada Pemilihan Presiden (pilpres) 9 Juli lalu.

    Lembaga itu mencemaskan potensi kecurangan yang dilakukan penyelenggara pemilu di daerah, terutama di tingkat desa dan kecamatan.

    ''Yang patut diwaspadai, keberpihakan penyelenggara pemilu, serta pengaruh dan potensi intimidasi penguasa lokal seperti gubernur, bupati, dan wali kota yang menjadi tim sukses,'' kata Ketua Bawaslu Muhammad di Jakarta, kemarin.

    Menurut dia, penyelenggara pemilu di tingkat desa dan kecamatan selaku panitia adhoc rawan diintervensi, diintimidasi, digoda, dan diiming-imingi sesuatu sehingga akhirnya tergoda melakukan kecurangan.

    Muhammad mengatakan pihaknya berjanji akan tetap netral, jujur, mandiri, akuntabel, dan profesional dalam mengawasi pilpres. Ia menjamin Bawaslu tidak berada di bawah tekanan dan intimadasi pihak mana pun untuk memastikan tahapan pemilu berlangsung.

    ''Kami tidak bertoleransi sedikit pun. Capres dan tim sukses serta masyarakat agar memercayakan pada penyelenggara pemilu, tapi tetap diawasi. Namun, tolong hargai kewenangan KPU dan Bawaslu sesuai UU. Jurnalis dan media juga agar menciptakan situasi kondisi yang teduh, menenangkan, tidak memberitakan hal-hal yang memicu ketegangan di masyarakat,'' ujar Muhammad.

    Terkait evaluasi pilpres, Bawaslu menilai pemungutan suara pada 9 Juli lalu minim pelanggaran dan kecurangan. Pihaknya tidak menemukan masalah seperti kekurangan suara. Namun, ada beberapa laporan money politic seperti di daerah Yogyakarta. ''Kasus itu sedang dikaji Bawaslu,'' tutur Muhammad.

    14 Distrik di Papua
    Secara terpisah, komisioner Bawaslu Daniel Zuchron menambahkan, berdasarkan pengawasannya, pelanggaran yang terjadi dalam Pilpres 2014 jauh lebih kecil jika dibandingkan dengan saat pemilu legislatif lalu. Bawaslu mencatat sembilan item pelanggaran pada pilpres lalu (lihat grafik).

    Namun, KPU tetap mengakui menghadapi kendala. Ketua KPU Husni Kamil Manik mengatakan pihaknya kesulitan menjangkau pemilih yang mobile, seperti di rumah sakit, perjalanan, dan perantauan.

    Selain itu, 14 distrik di Kabupaten Yahukimo, Papua, belum dapat menggelar pemungutan suara karena pesawat pengangkut logistik tidak masuk karena faktor cuaca buruk.

    Di Jakarta Barat, Panwaslu mendapat laporan politik uang saat pencoblosan, kemarin. ''Laporan dari warga banyak yang menyebutkan terjadi serangan fajar, tapi kami masih selidiki buktinya dan dari kubu mana,'' kata Ketua Panwaslu Jakarta Barat Abdul Rouf.

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    Thursday, July 10, 2014

    [batavia-news] ‘Revolution’ in Indonesia

     

     

    'Revolution' in Indonesia

    The winner

    Barring a crisis or a power grab, Jakarta looks like getting true reformasi

    As the night wore on after Indonesia's 2014 presidential election, it looked more and more like Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo and his running mate, Jusuf Kalla, had pulled off a historic victory despite the fact that they were outspent, out-generaled, faced their own organizational problems and were hit with a ruthless mudslinging campaign.

    That probably is an indication of how much the nation of 240 million wants change. With 90 percent of the vote in, Joko and the coalition headed by his Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, or PDI-P, had won by a relatively comfortable margin of 53.3 percent to 46.78 percent, according to quick count tallies. That would mean a plurality of 7 million to 8 million votes. However, his opponent, the 62-year-old former Gen. Prabowo Subianto, was refusing to concede, saying he had his own unnamed quick count polls saying he had won, and asking his supporters to protect the ballot boxes. The official tally won't be available until on or around July 22.

    The big worry appears to be keeping Prabowo in his stable. Many people in Jakarta were worried that the mercurial former general might use his declaration of victory and seek to establish his own administration although in past elections, the quick count has proven accurate and reliable. Some local analysts were warning that Prabowo might use his old Special Forces troops and the government's intelligence services might try to rig the vote count.

    American journalist Allan Nairn said earlier that he had "documentary evidence" that Prabowo would try to rig the outcome. Prabowo claimed victory based on quick counts conducted by pollsters hired by TVOne, a news station owned by one of his party backers, the tycoon Aburizal Bakrie, who could face his own severe headwinds from a corruption-free administration.

    Nonetheless, if Joko's win does stand up, the meaning is dramatic. He has proven so far to be arguably the cleanest politician the country has ever seen, first as mayor of the city of Solo, and then as Jakarta governor. His own party, PDI-P, is filled with about as many crooks as the rest of them. But the choice was stark. In Prabowo, the voters had someone whose stated goal was to circumscribe democracy and possibly take the country back to the authoritarian past of the strongman Suharto, his one-time father-in-law who ruled for 31 years until 1998. He even adopted the safari suit and pillbox cap that Indonesia's original strongman, Sukarno, favored long ago.

    Although Suharto was pushed from power 16 years ago, the way of doing business established by his dictatorial and kleptocratic rule has remained in place despite the early reformasi promise of the current president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who was elected first in 2004. That promise has since soured. The country's major institutions – the legislature, the judiciary, the police, the military, the tax authority – all need a thorough housecleaning before Indonesia can establish itself rightfully as a major Asian power. The Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index ranks Indonesia 114th in the world for corruption.

    If he means to clean up, Jokowi, as he is known, probably faces as big a job as Xi Jinping in China, whose battles to put corrupt officials in jail have become epic. Arrayed against Jokowi could be some of the strongest forces in Indonesian society including companies like the Bakrie empire, which has long-benefited from political deals.  The fact is that there is almost no facet of Indonesian life that is not in some way tainted by hands out for bribes.

    Bakrie, the head of the opposition Golkar Party, managed to drive Sri Mulyani Indrawati out of Indonesia and into the World Bank after she attempted, as Yudhoyono's Finance Minister, to force the coal and resources conglomerate to pay its taxes and refused to countenance government bailouts at the onset of the global financial crisis in 2008. Attitudes similar to Bakrie's permeate much of the country's business community.

    The House of Representatives is regularly raided by the fearsome Corruption Eradication Commission, known the KPK, to haul lawmakers off to trial. The KPK so far has a 100 percent conviction rate in its own courts and it is rated one of the country's most corruption free institutions.

    When Yudhoyono came to power, he brought along with him a flock of young, bright reformist lawmakers who depressingly turned out to be much like the rest of Indonesia's politicians. Anas Urbaningrum, the party leader, Andi Mallarangeng, the sports minister, and others were ensnared in a huge scandal involving the construction of a sports complex.

    Yudhoyono, who made common cause with Prabowo and Bakrie in the current election, is rumored ot have done so because he may have received assurances that members of his family would not face possible prosecution from his time in office.

    The win, if it stands up, represents remarkable chapter in Jokowi's political career that some compare with the come-from-nowhere rise of US President Barack Obama. He was elected Jakarta's governor in September 2012. At age 53, he is one of the country's newest faces. Beyond calling for a "new era for Indonesia and the Indonesian people" and adding that the country wants "a better, smarter, healthier and more prosperous Indonesia," his policies remain pretty much a blank slate. But neither his education nor his experience are very broad in international terms. He was educated in local institutions, unlike Prabowo, who spent the early part of his life overseas.

    Joko has told investors that he will pursue market-friendly policies and make bureaucratic reform and infrastructure-building his priorities. But as far as can be seen, he will remain fairly close to the economic nationalism that is slowly squeezing down on foreign investment.

    "Investors should be given enough room to broaden their investments," Joko was quoted by Reuters as telling a crowd of domestic and foreign investors. Beyond that, he has remained vague on how he would accomplish infrastructure construction. The current government, under the economic tutelage of Hatta Rajasa, who ran as Prabowo's vice president, two years ago precipitously stopped foreign bids to modernize the country's biggest port, and said the country could do it itself. Multinational resource companies seeking oil and minerals are continuously seeing their operations circumscribed.

    Whether Joko can assemble a team that will clean out decades of corruption  remains to be seen. With Jokowi in charge, the country is in for an interesting ride.

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    Posted by: "Sunny" <ambon@tele2.se>
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