Saturday, May 24, 2014

[batavia-news] Of Islam, Boko Haram and sexual slavery

 

 

Of Islam, Boko Haram and sexual slavery

Most victors would take the women from the enemy ranks as slaves, rape and torture or even kill them. However, Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) did not allow any of this. He allowed the female captives to earn their freedom

The Nigerian terrorist group
Boko Haram recently kidnapped more than 200 young girls, allegedly to sell into sexual slavery. Extremist Muslim clerics and extreme critics of Islam have long shared the conviction — amongst some others — that Islam allows keeping slaves, at least in certain circumstances, and permits their rape. This myth is unfounded. Slavery was the norm in the Arabia that Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) opened his eyes in. Anyone who could afford to buy a slave, kept one. Unfortunately, these slaves — especially girls — had no dignified status in society. They were bought and sold like property. They were overworked, abused and looked down upon as inferior beings.

Deeply troubled by this social injustice, Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) set out to emancipate slaves. He did not do this with the stroke of a pen. Letting the slaves go free, having to fend for themselves, be homeless and form isolated settlements would not ensure equal rights and status. Instead, he embraced them, assimilated them into society and made them useful contributors to the growing Muslim community. He uplifted them and ousted their inferiority complex. He instructed the Muslims to free the slaves who could stand on their own feet and forbade slave trade at all costs. He taught that all humans were equal and so it was not proper to address a slave with that word. He said: "Let none of you call out to his slave saying, 'My slave boy!' or 'My slave girl!' nor let a slave call out to his master saying, 'My Lord!' but let the master call out to the slave saying, 'My young man!' or 'My young woman!' and let the slave call out to the master as 'My chief!'"

Islam offered many ways for former slaves to be incorporated into society. One such means was marriage. No Arab noble would have ever conceived of marrying a slave but Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) broke this taboo with his own example. He inspired a new way of thinking in Arab society. He taught: "He who has a slave girl, educates and treats her nicely and then marries her will get a double reward."

While Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) was starting a social revolution in Arabia, he found himself in a very hostile environment. Muslims were persecuted for over a decade in Mecca. They were boycotted, thrown out of the city and forced to migrate to Medina. Prophet Mohammad's (PBUH) enemies were persistent. They pursued him there as well. Just two years after his immigration, a 1,000-man strong army marched out of Mecca with the intent to finish the Muslims forever. It was at this time that fighting was first permitted in self-defence (2:190). The Muslims, only 300 in number, defended themselves and won this battle decisively at Badr. Muslims had to counter many more offensives. Thus, Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) laid down clear rules and regulations for warfare. No women, children, elderly, monks, worship places and trees, for example, were to be hurt during fighting.

Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) also laid down guidelines regarding the captives taken during war. Most victors would take the women from the enemy ranks as slaves, rape and torture or even kill them. However, Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) did not allow any of this. He allowed the female captives to earn their freedom through different ways. The captives who were finally left behind were integrated into the growing Muslim society through marriage. Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) led by his own example again by marrying two such women captives, who are esteemed and revered by Muslims the world over as the "mothers of the faithful".

The assertion that Islam did not necessitate marriage and permitted the rape of female 'slaves' and captives is utterly baseless. Islam broke the prevailing taboo regarding marriage with 'slaves' when it commanded: "And marry widows from among you, and your male slaves and female slaves who are fit for marriage" (24:33). And: "And who so of you cannot afford to marry free, believing women, let him marry what your right hands possess, namely, your believing handmaids" (4:26).

Many other verses (e.g. 4:19; 2:222) also admonish Muslims to marry "slaves" and captives, and assimilate them into society. Marriage was an absolute prerequisite for any sexual relations with them. This is also very clear by the use of the words "being chaste" in 4:26. If sexual relations with these women were allowed before marriage, how would they be "chaste"? Furthermore, the same verse also prohibits having sexual affairs with slave girls and condemns fornication as a social ill. The Quran also makes it unlawful for women to be inherited or detained against their will (4:19). Their consent is important in all matters, including marriage. This rule applies to all women, including the most disadvantaged women in society. Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) said, "An orphan girl should be consulted with regard to marriage. If she refuses then she is not to be forced."

This treatment of women was unprecedented in ancient Arabia. For slaves, it was the Emancipation Proclamation and the civil rights movement combined — two in one. Boko Haram has committed multiple crimes against humanity — kidnapping girls and selling them is but one of the most grievous of them. These acts do not represent Islam; they offend it deeply. They only represent terror and cowardice.

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[batavia-news] Re-imagining the caliphate

 

 
  May 23, '14
 
Book review
 
 
Re-imagining the caliphate

The Inevitable Caliphate? A History of the Struggle for Global Islamic Union, 1924 to the Present by Reza Pankhurst
Reviewed by Mahan Abedin

The subject of the Islamic caliphate elicits intense emotions and reactions. On the one hand Western elites have a propensity to reduce the subject to a debate on extremism and radicalization, and on the other they dismiss it altogether as an impractical dream pursued by eccentric ideologues.

Even in academia the subject is often treated as an abstract idea - and by extension an unattainable goal - and consequently dismissed as undeserving of serious and sustained debate. It is in this context that political scientist and ideologue Reza
Pankhurst's The Inevitable Caliphate? A History of the Struggle for Global Islamic Union, 1924 to the Present marks a refreshingly original contribution to this misunderstood subject.

Academic commentators have praised the book primarily on account of its original treatment of the subject or in the words of John Calvert (Creighton University) by examining the caliphate "on its own terms", as opposed to in relation to dominant or normative political ideologies, namely Western liberal democracy.

While Pankhurst has produced a scholarly treatment of the subject, he is by no means a disinterested observer, as evidenced by his ideological affiliation to the pan-Islamic organization Hizbut ut-Tahrir and the resulting personal sacrifice of enduring four years of imprisonment in Egypt.

The book's biggest flaw is arguably the author's reductionist approach toward the potential constituency of the caliphate, inasmuch as he appears to limit this constituency to mainstream and orthodox Sunni Muslims.

Pankhurst's apparently cavalier treatment of the Shi'ite concept of Velayat-e-Faqih (Rule of the Islamic Jurist) is problematic in so far as the latter is viewed by many Muslims as the embodiment of the politics of pan-Islam and arguably an eccentric variant of the caliphate doctrine.

Furthermore, as the cornerstone of the Islamic ruling system in Iran, Velayat-e-Faqih has occupied the commanding heights of politics in that country for nearly four decades, whereas in stark contrast the realization of the classical caliphate remains at best a distant prospect.

The author dedicates an entire chapter to examining the intellectual and ideological struggles immediately before and after the abolition of the caliphate by Turkey's Kemal Ataturk in March 1924. Whilst Pankhurst doesn't set out in sufficient detail the differences in both form and function between the classical and modern caliphates (embodied by the Ottoman Empire in the final stage of its existence), he appears to recognize the jurisprudential, political and ideological contradictions pursuant to the modern caliphate's symbiotic relationship with the ailing Ottoman Empire.

Furthermore, the author provides useful details on the politics and intellectual climate of the 1920s both in the epicentre of political Islam at the time (Turkey) but also in the Indian subcontinent where the idea of the caliphate had been appropriated and utilized by local interests.

Moreover, Pankhurst does a good job in capturing the naivety of people who erroneously thought that the death of the caliphate as a ruling political institution equated to the death of a doctrine central to Islamic political theory.

The bulk of the book is dedicated to examining the relationship of three major Islamic movements with the caliphate, specifically the extent to which these movements have adopted the caliphate as the central feature of their Islamic revivalist discourse and programs. The movements in question are the Muslim Brotherhood, Hizbut ut-Tahrir and al-Qaeda.

Implicit in Pankhurst's description and analysis of these movements - from their inception to the present - is the idea that the half-hearted adoption of the caliphate is merely incidental to the doctrine and programs of both the Muslim Brotherhood and al-Qaeda. In contrast, as is widely known Hizbut ut-Tahrir's primary quest is the re-establishment of the Islamic caliphate.

It is difficult to find too many faults with Pankhurst's detailed and clear-sighted description and analysis of these movements' origins, ideological development and political posturing. One drawback is the author's elite-based approach to studying these movements, which zooms in on the leaders at the expense of both the rank and file and the periphery. With Hizbut ut-Tahrir and al-Qaeda this is not a major problem inasmuch as these movements are comparatively cohesive and bereft of a mass base.

With regards to the Muslim Brotherhood, while Pankhurst portrays the founder Hassan al-Banna in a positive light, nevertheless his appraisal of the movement as "agents of the status quo" will strike many as unduly harsh. More specifically, the author neglects to contextualize the Muslim Brother's engagement with the caliphate in relation to both the leadership deficit that bedevils the Brothers and the intensifying political and ideological disconnect between the grassroots and the leadership.

The chapter on the more eccentric and peripheral movements, some founded and based outside the Muslim world, is both informative and thought provoking. However, the most pertinent point is not necessarily these groups' peculiar conception and adoption of the caliphate but their innovative approach to issues related to the welfare and identity of Muslims.

Whether knowingly or not the author gives credence to a growing perception that Muslims living in the West appear poised to develop into a major intellectual and possibly even ideological force in the future with the potential to innovate ideas and trends which are in turn adopted by people in Muslim-majority countries.

In conclusion, the author makes a forceful and authoritative attempt at elevating the caliphate debate to a more immediate and practical footing and in the context of what he calls an "alternative history", namely one free from the constraints of comparative analysis to Western normative standards and paradigms.

But what is not sufficiently clear is the extent to which contemporary Islamic revivalists are either actually or potentially invested in the caliphate doctrine. While nearly all Islamic revivalists idealize Islamic political union, there is less agreement on the form of this unity.

Pankhurst's unique contribution is that he forcefully challenges the widespread notion that in view of multiple daunting challenges the revival of the classical caliphate is beyond reach. This is a good foundation on which to develop a more well-informed and less sensational debate on the subject.

The Inevitable Caliphate? A History of the Struggle for Global Islamic Union, 1924 to the Present by Reza Pankhurst. Oxford University Press (December 2013). ISBN-10: 0199327998. Price US$44.04; 256 pages.

Mahan Abedin is an analyst of Iranian politics. He is the director of the research group Dysart Consulting.

This article originally appeared at
Religioscope
 

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[batavia-news] Jokowi Jadi Imam, Din Syamsuddin Mengaku Tak Khusyuk Shalat

 

 

Jokowi Jadi Imam, Din Syamsuddin Mengaku Tak Khusyuk Shalat

Sabtu, 24 Mei 2014 | 18:40 WIB
AGUS SUSANTO Ketua Umum PP Muhammadiyah Din Syamsuddin

 

SAMARINDA, KOMPAS.com — Ketua Umum PP Muhammadiyah Pusat Din Syamsuddin mengaku pernah mengetes keislaman calon presiden Joko Widodo dengan meminta Gubernur DKI Jakarta itu menjadi imam shalat zuhur.

"Saya ajak Pak Jokowi untuk shalat zuhur, dan beliau imam. Saya sebagai makmum, bayangkan beliau imam, dan saya pimpinan Muhammadiyah makmumnya," kata Din dalam sidang Tanwir Muhammadiyah di Samarinda, Kalimantan Timur, Sabtu (24/5/2014).

Din mengungkapkan hal itu untuk menanggapi
penjelasan Joko Widodo soal keislamannya di dalam acara tersebut. Seperti yang telah diberitakan sebelumnya, Jokowi menegaskan bahwa dia sudah haji. Bahkan, kedua orangtua dan adiknya pun telah menjadi haji.

"Saya Jokowi, alhamdulillah saya sudah haji. Bapak saya haji, ibu saya haji, dan adik saya juga sudah haji," kata Jokowi.

Din lantas mengatakan, Jokowi memiliki pandangan agama Islam yang bagus. Kesimpulan itu diberikan setelah ia mengetes keislaman Jokowi dengan menjadikannya imam shalat. 

Din bahkan mengaku tidak bisa berkonsentrasi saat melakukan shalat kala itu karena hanya memperhatikan tata cara shalat Jokowi, mulai dari niat, takbiratul ikhram, hingga salam.

"Shalat saya waktu itu sampai tidak khusyuk karena saya perhatikan benar itu shalat Pak Jokowi. Dari niat sampai salam, dan alhamdulillah semua benar dan tidak ada yang salah dengan beliau," kata Din seraya tertawa diiringi tepuk tangan peserta sidang Tanwir.
 

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[batavia-news] Habibie Dapat Kontrak 125 Pesawat R80

 

res: Tidak percuma menjadi presiden NKRI. Nutanio bangkrut - muncul PT Rego AviSI.
 
 
 

Habibie Dapat Kontrak 125 Pesawat R80

Sabtu, 24 Mei 2014, 20:34 WIB
Komentar : 3
Antara Foto/Wahyu Putro
BJ Habibie menjadi pembicara dalam  HUT ke-19 Aji di Gedung Pusat Perfilman Usmar Ismail Jakarta
BJ Habibie menjadi pembicara dalam HUT ke-19 Aji di Gedung Pusat Perfilman Usmar Ismail Jakarta

REPUBLIKA.CO.ID,JAKARTA--Perusahaan manufaktur pesawat milik BJ Habibie, PT Regio Aviasi Industri (RAI) telah mengantongi pesanan 125 unit pesawat R80 dan siap memproduksinya pada 2018 setelah memperoleh sertifikat layak terbang.

"Pesanan 125 unit itu yakni 100 unit dari NAM Air, anak perusahaan Sriwijaya dan 25 unit dari Kalstar Aviation. Siap diproduksi pada 2018," kata Dirut PT RAI Agung Nugroho di sela "Monthly Talk Show Series 2014" yang digelar Ikatan Alumni Program Habibie (Iabie) di Jakarta, Sabtu.

Saat ini, lanjut dia, masih pada tahap desain awal dan feasibility study yang pada akhir tahun 2014 ditargetkan selesai, setelah itu baru memasuki tahap pengembangan prototipenya.

Pesawat sejenis ATR dengan sekitar 80 kursi ini, menurut dia, memiliki sejumlah keunggulan, yakni lebih ekonomis, baik murah dari segi harga, biaya pemeliharaan, juga irit bahan bakar karena merupakan pesawat terbang berbaling-baling(turboprop).

"Selain itu pesawat ini juga lebih nyaman, karena dari sisi noise dan getaran rendah, sesuai standar internasional. R80 ini juga lebih aman karena sistem kontrolnya canggih, mudah dioperasikan, serta ramah lingkungan," katanya.

Menurut dia, di tahap awal ini sudah ada 50 ahli yang mengerjakan desainnya, termasuk para ahli dari PT Dirgantara Indonesia. SDM ini akan ditingkatkan menjadi 500 hingga 1.000 orang ketika masuk dalam tahap pengembangan.

R80 merupakan pengembangan dari pesawat N-250 yang dibidani BJ Habibie, tapi dihentikan proyeknya oleh International Monetary Fund (IMF) karena krisis ekonomi 1998, namun demikian telah dimodifikasi, seperti badan yang lebih besar.

R80 juga didesain untuk digunakan pada rute pendek dengan jarak tempuh kurang dari 600 km dan mampu diakomodasi oleh bandara dengan landasan pendek.

 
 
 

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[batavia-news] Menperin: Perdagangan Global Semakin Liberal

 

?res : Baik ataukah  buruk jika perdagangan semakin liberal? Jenis apa perdagangan NKRI selama ini?
 
 
 

Menperin: Perdagangan Global Semakin Liberal

Minggu, 25 Mei 2014, 00:00 WIB
Komentar : 0
antara
MS Hidayat
MS Hidayat

REPUBLIKA.CO.ID, JAKARTA -- Menperin MS Hidayat mengatakan, kecenderungan perdagangan global saat ini mengarah kepada liberalisasi. Sehingga Indonesia juga harus benar-benar mempersiapkan diri dalam mengantisipasi dan menghadapinya.

"Saat ini kecenderungan perdagangan global semakin mengarah kepada liberalisasi. Baik secara bilateral, regional, mau pun multilateral," kata MS Hidayat, Sabtu (24/5).

Politikus Partai Golkar itu menambahkan, kecenderungan tersebut terlihat dari beberapa bentuk kerja sama atau perjanjian perdagangan. Termasuk konsep Masyarakat Ekonomi Asean (MEA) yang akan diberlakukan mulai 2015.

Hidayat mengemukakan, MEA 2015 merupakan momentum penting bagi Indonesia. Karena akan memberikan peluang untuk memperluas pasar bagi produk industri nasional.

Selain itu, ujar dia, pemberlakuan MEA 2015 juga akan menjadi tantangan. Mengingat jumlah penduduk Indonesia yang sangat besar akan menjadi tujuan pasar bagi produk negara Asean lainnya.

Karenanya, kata dia, pemerintah bersama-sama dunia usaha dan masyarakat harus terus membangun sinergi. Tujuannya, untuk mengamankan pasar dalam negeri dari masuknya produk impor yang tidak memenuhi standar.

Menurutnya, pemerintah secara konsisten telah melaksanakan kebijakan Program Peningkatan Penggunaan Produk Dalam Negeri (P3DN). Yaitu sebagai salah satu upaya strategis dalam mendukung keberlangsungan dan kemajuan industri dalam negeri.

"Kebijakan P3DN tersebut merupakan program nasional sebagai tindak lanjut dari Instruksi Presiden No 2/2009 tentang Penggunaan Produk Dalam Negeri dalam Pengadaan Barang/Jasa Pemerintah," katanya.

Inpres tersebut mengamanatkan agar kementerian/lembaga/pemda/institusi yang melakukan pengadaan barang/jasa yang menggunakan APBN/APBD harus mengutamakan penggunaan produk dalam negeri.

Khususnya untuk produk dengan nilai Tingkat Komponen Dalam Negeri (TKDN) telah mencapai minimal 25 persen atau 40 persen. Termasuk Bobot Manfaat Perusahaan (BMP), dengan tanpa mengadakan dari produk impor.

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[batavia-news] Fw: Majalah Kabari Amerika Telah TIBA - Edisi Mei 2014

 

 
 
Sent: Saturday, May 24, 2014 9:12 AM
Subject: Majalah Kabari Amerika Telah TIBA - Edisi Mei 2014
 

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[batavia-news] Indonesia Likely To Have Fewer Women In Parliament

 

 
 

Indonesia Likely To Have Fewer Women In Parliament

Sun, May 18 2014 18:47 | 2746 Views

"There is no problem if the number of women in the DPR is small, provided that they are qualified and can serve the people," Dewi Motik Pramono, the general chairperson of the Indonesian Women`s Congress (Kowani), stated recently.
 
Jakarta  (Antara News) - Despite the increase in the number of female candidates in the parliamentary elections held throughout Indonesia on April 9, 2014, the country would likely fail to meet its target of increasing womens representation in the 560-seat Parliament for the 2014-2019 period.

Of 6,607 legislative candidates racing for the House of Representatives (DPR) seats in the elections, some 37 percent or 2,467 were women, up from 30 percent in the legislative elections in 2009.

On May 9, the General Elections Commission (KPU) announced the official results of the legislative elections, with the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP) in first place, winning 18.95 percent of the votes.

In a plenary meeting on the conversion of votes to parliamentary seats in Jakarta, May 14, 2014, KPU Chairman Husni Kamil Manik announced the names of 560 candidates elected to the DPR.

They will be officially sworn in as members of the Parliament in October 2014.

KPU Commissioner Hadar Nafis Gumai after the plenary meeting said, of the 560 people, only 94 were women, or around 17 percent, or a drop from 101 elected female candidates in the DPR for the 2009-2014 period. The 2009 general election saw the highest percentage in Indonesian history of female lawmakers taking up sets at the DPR, with more than 18 percent of the total 560 seats.

Among those likely winning the seats include incumbent former TV presenter Meutya Hafid from Golkar Party, actress Rieke Diah Pitaloka and Puan Maharani from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), and actress Vena Melinda from the Democratic Party. While, actress Desy Ratnasari from the National Mandate Party (PAN) is elected as an MP for the first time.

A disappointment was earlier voiced by Ana Margret, the deputy director of the University of Indonesia (UI)s Political Study Center, who predicted even fewer number of women in the 2014-2019 Parliament.

She estimated that the number of female lawmakers in the Indonesian Parliament would drop significantly from over 18 percent women in 2009, to 14 percent or 79 women this year.

In a seminar on "Critical Reflection of the Political Parties Commitment to Elected Female Legislators" held in Jakarta recently, she said the decline should be critically assessed since it ran contrary to the fact that 37 percent of the legislative candidates participating in the 2014 elections were female, up from 33.6 percent in the 2009 elections.

She predicted that most of the elected female legislators were newcomers to Parliament. Only 34 percent managed to maintain their seats; the rest have left Parliament, she stated. "Of the 103 female lawmakers in Parliament for the 2009-2014 period, only 36 are believed to have been re-elected," she noted.

Similar to predictions regarding all legislative candidates for the House, 30 of the 79 women - or 39 percent - had family connections to incumbent members of local legislative bodies, governors and regents, said Anna Margret.

The Center also found that although the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) won the legislative election with over 18 percent of the popular vote, it was the United Development Partys (PPP) women candidates who gained the most votes among women or 22.33 percent across 75 electoral districts, while the party that secured the lowest number of votes for its women candidates was the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) with 13.20 percent.

To increase the womens representation in the Parliament, the KPUs regulations mandate that female legislative candidates should comprise at least 30 percent of the total candidates. The UIs research, however, indicated that this regulation did not automatically secure the ideal quota of female legislators, she stated.

According to article 55 in the Electoral Law 10/2008, regarding elections to the Indonesian Parliament, "at least one in every three candidates included on a political party list should be women." It is expected that by applying this acquisition, political parties may fulfill the 30 percent quota for women, both in the national and local parliaments, in line with international agreements.

Of Indonesias total population of over 245 million people, women occupy around 18.2 seats in the Parliament based on the results of the 2009 general elections.

While, based on the World Bank 2011 data, women constitute 50.14 percent of the countrys total population. Previously, from the 2004 general elections, the representation of women in the Indonesian parliament was just almost 11 percent.

Fifteen political parties consisting of 12 national-level political parties and three local parties, participated in the legislative elections on April 9, 2014.

The 12 parties are National Democratic Party (Nasdem), National Awakening Party (PKB), Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP), Golkar Party, Gerindra, Democratic Party (PD), National Mandate Party (PAN), United Development Party (PPP), Hanura, Crescent and Star Party (PBB), and Indonesian Justice and Unity Party (PKPI).

The three local parties are Acehs Peace Party (PDA), Acehs National Party (PNA), and Aceh Party (PA) - all of them are in the special autonomous province of Aceh Darussalam, Indonesias northern most province.

All 15 parties met the quota of at least 30 percent for women candidates. For instance, PKS proposed 193 women or about 38 percent, NasDem with 223 people or 39.82 percent were women, Hanura Party with 199 women or 36 percent, and PAN 208 women or 37 percent.

Women rights activists, however, criticized that most male political party bosses stuffed their nomination lists with models, actresses and their daughters and wives just in order to meet the legally mandated 30 per cent quota for female representation on candidate lists.

"Too many of the women selected by political parties are celebrities or the relatives of strong political dynasties,"

Titi Anggraini, executive director of Perludem, an independent election watchdog, was quoted by the Jakarta Post as saying.

However, a number of people believe that it is quality rather than quantity that matters.

"There is no problem if the number of women in the DPR is small, provided that they are qualified and can serve the people," Dewi Motik Pramono, the general chairperson of the Indonesian Womens Congress (Kowani), stated recently.

"The quota of 30 percent seats in the DPR is meaningless if they are not qualified. Can we mention how many qualified woman legislators are there in the House now? For me, it will be better to have 20 or 30 female legislators in the House as long as they are qualified," Motik added. (*)
(f001/b003)

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[batavia-news] Presiden: tidak pikirkan jabatan internasional pascapensiun

 

res : Kira-kira jabatan dan  bidang apa yang dikehendaki dan apakah ada yang menawarkan?
 
 

Presiden: tidak pikirkan jabatan internasional pascapensiun

Sabtu, 24 Mei 2014 19:25 WIB | 267 Views

Presiden: tidak pikirkan jabatan internasional pascapensiun

Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (ANTARA FOTO/Prasetyo Utomo)

Sekjen PBB ataupun teman-teman saya di internasional berharap setelah saya tidak menjadi presiden masih aktif berkontribusi dalam urusan internasional, saya merespon dengan positif pula meskipun tidak terpikir dan berkehendak untuk memimpin organisas
 
Manila (ANTARA News) - Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono menyatakan dirinya tidak berpikir akan aktif memimpin organisasi internasional pascamenyelesaikan tugasnya atau pensiun sebagai kepala negara/pemerintahan.

"Sekjen PBB ataupun teman-teman saya di internasional berharap setelah saya tidak menjadi presiden masih aktif berkontribusi dalam urusan internasional, saya merespon dengan positif pula meskipun tidak terpikir dan berkehendak untuk memimpin organisasi internasional apapun," kata Presiden di Manila, Sabtu.

Ia mengatakan banyak yang menawarkan dan menilai jika dirinya tepat memimpin suatu organisasi internasional.

"Saya katakan saya bisa berkontribusi ke dalam persoalan internasional tanpa saya harus memimpin organisasi internasional apapun karena tentu orang seperti saya setelah 10 tahun memimpin negeri ini tentu akan tetap peduli pada kepentingan rakyat kita, kepentingan negara kita," katanya.

Ia juga mengatakan apabila pemimpin mendatang bersedia sekali-sekali bertukar pikiran dan berkonsultasi, maka hal itu juga dapat menjadi jalan untuk memikirkan masa depan negara dan rakyat.

"Itu kewajiban moral saya...saya mendoakan saya berharap apa yang menjadi harapan masyarakat Indonesia itu bisa dipenuhi karena semuanya untuk masa depan bangsa dan negara yang kita cinta," katanya.

Dalam kunjungannya ke Manila, Filipina, Presiden Yudhoyono menghadiri dua agenda utama, kunjungan resmi kenegaraan dan menghadiri pertemuan Forum Ekonomi Dunia Regional Asia Timur.

Dalam kunjungan kenegaraan, Presiden Yudhoyono disambut oleh Presiden Filipina Benigno S Aquino III di Istana Malacanang, Manila.

Keduanya terlibat dalam pertemuan empat mata yang dilanjutkan dengan pertemuan bilateral antara delegasi Indonesia dan Filipina.

Presiden juga menyaksikan secara langsung bersama koleganya Presiden Aquino, penandatanganan perjanjian bersejarah terkait delimitasi Zona Ekonomi Eksklusif Indonesia - Filipina di perbatasan maritim kedua negara, Laut Maluku dan Samudera Pasifik.

Selain itu juga ditandatangani nota kesepahaman kerja sama bidang pendidikan antarkedua negara, serta nota kesepahaman dalam memerangi terorisme.

Sementara di Forum Ekonomi Dunia, Presiden menyampaikan pandangannya dalam pembukaan forum tersebut.

Selain itu, Presiden jug menerima Global Statesmen Award dari Forum Ekonomi Dunia tersebut, serta dianugerahi penghargaan tertinggi diplomatic Order of Sikatuna with the rank of Raja (Grand Collar) dari Negara Filipina.
(M041*G003/Z003) 

Editor: Ruslan Burhani

COPYRIGHT © 2014

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[batavia-news] Indonesian presidential frontrunner has tough message for foreign business

 

 

Indonesian presidential frontrunner has tough message for foreign business

 
 
The Australian Financial Review
By Greg Earl
 
Indonesia s likely next president, Joko Widodo, has backed new incentives for natural gas development, continued restrictions on raw mineral exports and a new push to replace food
imports in the first insight into his probable ­economic policies.
 
Just days after choosing businessman and former vice-president Jusuf Kalla as his running mate for the July 9 presidential election, Mr Widodo has broken his silence on economic affairs in an
election commission document and newspaper article this week.
 
They suggest he will try to balance economic nationalist positions with more streamlined regulation ­pro­cesses and better infrastructure to boost competitiveness.
 
Mr Widodo, a former city governor, is forecast by opinion polls to win the July vote although the manoeuvring over the vice-presidential positions on the two competing tickets has weakened his
ability to fashion a parliamentary majority after the election.
 
Mr Widodo, who has no economic policy experience, wrote in Kompas newspaper at the weekend that the principles of liberalism were incompatible with the values of the Indonesian nation and it was time to take corrective action through a "mental revolution".
 
He said Indonesia should be trying to avoid dependence on investment and technology assistance from abroad and that natural resources had been drained from the country by ­foreign companies.Limits on bank sales
 
He said it was ironic that the country still relied on food imports and that it should be able to stand on its own two feet by moving towafood and energy security. But outside those
sectors Indonesia would continue to rely on trade to drive the economy.
 
In a lengthy policy document ­submitted to the Electoral Commission Mr Widodo s Indonesian Democracy Party of Struggle sways it will maintain the current policy that focuses on ­downstream processing and uphold the ban on raw mineral exports despite widespread criticism by foreign mining companies.
 
It backs greater economic independence by limits on sale of banks to foreigners, increased rice production, an end to conversion of farm land to industry and greater use of domestic coal and gas for electricity generation.

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