VIEW: No end in sight for Iraq fiasco —S P Seth
The laudable objective of liberating and making Iraq into a model regional democracy has turned out to be a cruel joke played on the Iraqi people
As the world's attention is focused on the ongoing Syrian massacre, the killings in Iraq continue unabated. When it was attacked in 2003 under the presidency of George W Bush, Iraq was to be rid of Saddam Hussein and his weapons of mass destruction. Soon after, the then president Bush appeared on the deck of a US warship wearing military uniform to declare victory, and a new 'liberated' Iraq was launched, which was supposed to become a model democracy for the region. But that didn't happen. The US got increasingly embroiled in all sorts of troubles, finally quitting in 2011, leaving the country with Noor al-Maliki as its prime minister. Even though Iraq had elections and Maliki cobbled together a government, it somehow did not gain legitimacy among the country's disparate and divided population. Its Kurdish region is virtually independent, its minority Sunni population is at war with the country's new majority Shia government, and there is an ongoing al Qaeda insurgency blowing up people here and there. Iraq's so-called liberation is a cruel joke on its people.
How did it all happen? Indeed, for a time, in the 1980s, Hussein was a US favourite in the region, a bulwark against the 'crazy' mullahs who had seized power in Iran in 1979 through a popular revolution against the Shah. At another time, in 1951, a popular revolution had got rid of the Shah, electing the country's nationalist leader, Dr Mohammad Mossadeq, as prime minister. But a US-engineered coup got rid of Mossadeq, and brought back the Shah as their trusted man. But his megalomaniacal rule was hugely unpopular. He was deposed once again in 1979 in a popular revolution led by Ayatollah Khomeini and backed by elements of the liberal-left political spectrum. As the predominantly new clerical political order took hold, it soon became a bloody affair both internally and externally.
Internally, Ayatollah Khomeini adroitly eliminated his one time liberal-left political partners in revolution through a bloody purge, throwing many of them into prison, just like the Shah had done earlier with his political enemies. Those who escaped fled into exile, operating as the People's Mujahideen of Iran and were given shelter in Iraq by Saddam Hussein. However, within Iran, the new clerical political order, with Khomeini as the supreme leader, continued to have popular support.
The external dimension of the 1979 revolution was a bitter fallout between the new Iranian regime and the United States. Tehran accused the US embassy in Iran of being a hive of spies, and its staff were held hostage by the revolutionary guards for well over one year. To this day, the US and Iran have no diplomatic relations and their relationship remains in a state of crisis. Iran is facing the worst economic sanctions from the US and many other countries for its nuclear programme.
It was against this backdrop of intense US hostility to Iran that Hussein's Iraq became Washington's virtual ally. Saddam had a long-standing maritime dispute with Iran over the Shatt al-Arab river boundary between the two countries. Hussein obviously saw an opportunity in the uncertainty and confusion that prevailed in the period after the revolution in Iran and sought to settle scores and undermine the new regime. The new Shia political order in Iran was seen as a dangerous development. It was feared that the new regime might be inclined to extend its revolutionary fervour and missionary zeal to whip up Iraq's majority Shia population. Hussein was, therefore, keen to pre-empt any Iranian threat in the near future by starting a war in 1980 while the new regime was still finding its feet.
Iran's ongoing troubles with the US created a commonality of purpose between Hussein and the US. Hussein got encouragement, weapons, chemicals, intelligence, money and much more from the US during his war with Iran. It was a bloody war, lasting eight years (1980-88), and fought to a stalemate. Iraq extensively used chemical weapons such as mustard gas against Iranian troops. The estimates of casualties, with Iran suffering the most, vary from half-a-million to a million or more.
Hussein, who was generally not well regarded by his fellow Arab rulers, if not outrightly hated, received their support in his crusade against Iran under its clerical regime. Some of them, cash-rich from their oil revenues, lent him money to prosecute his war against Iran. But when the whole project failed, they wanted their money back with interest. Hussein's Iran war had bankrupted Iraq and he was looking for some way of replenishing his coffers, as well as to restore his lost prestige among his people and in the region. He decided to attack and occupy Kuwait with its vast oil wealth, which would make Iraq the pre-eminent oil producer in the world.
Hussein was said to have broached the subject at the time with the US ambassador and received no specific objection. Banking on his friendship with the US, forged during his Iranian adventure, he let loose his armed forces against Kuwait and managed to occupy much of the country in a rather short period of time. That raised hackles among the Arab world's oil producing monarchs, many of them US allies as well as important oil suppliers. The Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, which threatened to change the region's geopolitical situation with Iraq commanding significant oil supplies, created alarm bells in Washington that led to the US invasion of Iraq, early 1991. Iraq was easily defeated but the then-president Bush senior desisted from regime change.
The Hussein regime lived on US sufferance, subjected to severe UN sanctions and barely surviving on the oil-for-food programme. That is to say, it was allowed to sell enough oil to buy its food and other necessities. This did not seem to seriously affect the regime, but the Iraqi people, particularly Iraqi children, suffered horribly under this because of shortages of medical supplies and other necessities. Regime change was subsequently effected under George Bush (junior) to complete his father's half-finished job after he attacked Iraq in 2003. Saddam Hussein was hunted down and subsequently hanged by a new Iraqi Shia regime installed under the US occupation.
The prime justifications for the US invasion of Iraq that it had weapons of mass destruction and links with al Qaeda were found to be untrue. As we now know, the laudable objective of liberating and making Iraq into a model regional democracy has turned out to be a cruel joke played on the Iraqi people. Surely, Saddam Hussein was a tyrant and his overthrow by the Iraqi people would have been a welcome development. But the US invasion only compounded Iraq's tragedy.
Worse still, the increasing involvement of extremists of the al Qaeda-linked Islamic State of Iraq and Levant in the Syrian conflict to support rebels has the potential of turning the two states into another terrorist hub, on the lines of Pakistan and Afghanistan. Iraq's tragedy is not over yet. It is likely to get worse before it gets better — if it gets better.
The writer is a senior journalist and academic based in Sydney, Australia. He can be reached at sushilpseth@yahoo.co.au
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