The Thinker: Keep It in the Family
What's wrong with dynasties? Suddenly people are talking about dynasties in Indonesia. Everybody's making comments, even the president. Lawmakers argue for amendments. Activists demand the arrest of the governor of Banten. The magnitude of the controversy about dynasties seems to be overshadowing the real issues the nation is facing: how to deal with such mega-scandals as the Constitutional Court bribery case, Bank Century and Hambalang.
Dynasties have existed since long ago all over the world, not just in Indonesia. As Compton's Encyclopedia has it, a dynasty is a line of hereditary rulers of a country or a succession of people from the same family who play a prominent role in business, politics or other fields. Examples of dynasties are the Tang dynasty in China and the Ford dynasty in the United States. But elsewhere in Asia and in Europe there also have been dynasties.
In this part of the world, there's the example of Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew, who was succeeded by his son Lee Hsien Loong. And in Indonesia, Sultan Hamengkubuwono X succeeded Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX as ruler of Yogyakarta. Many of the nation's conglomerates are dynasties. Then there's the Cikeas dynasty and Gov. Ratu Atut Chosiyah's dynasty in Banten.
Nobody can deny that dynasties exist. But one can't say that all dynasties are bad.
Some dynasties have based their continued existence on meritocracy and real popular support, such as in the case of staunchly-Muslim East Belitung, where Basuki Tjahaja Purnama's Christian brother was elected as district head.
Our leading political parties — dynasty or not — should continuously prove their right to exist. The ruling Democratic Party has Pramono Edhie Wibowo as a possible presidential candidate while the current president's son, Edhie Baskoro Yudhoyono, is the party's secretary general. Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) leader Megawati Soekarnoputri will surely hand over the party reigns to her daughter Puan Maharani.
In the case of Banten, local wisdom formed the character of the Banten rulers, who were mostly descendents of prominent local heroes who fought against the Dutch colonizers. Atut's father, Chasan Sochib, was a prominent and influential Banten community leader. Atut was the first female governor since reforms in 1998. And she was re-elected for a second term.
Unfortunately, she is also a Golkar politician. Although the Golkar Party is in coalition with the Democratic Party, it has been always at odds with the ruling party on various issues. And Atut has just become too rich, with her family controlling huge business assets in the province. Activists have accused her family of owning at least 10 companies and 24 affiliated firms involved at every stage of the tender process in the province — from planning to procurement.
It is true that political dynasties in Indonesia provide opportunity for corruption, collusion and nepotism (better known as KKN).
Reform activist and then-Muhammadiyah leader Amien Rais initiated the popular anti-KKN movement against the Suharto regime.
But that movement has since fizzled out, with his People's Mandate Party (PAN) joining the ruling party coalition. Rais has been silent since his party's chairman, Hatta Rajasa, became a close confidant of the president as coordinating minister for the economy, as well as an in-law. Some have described their relationship as the marriage of two major political parties.
Although political dynasties are prone to KKN practices, they are not always bad — unless they are built with an eye to amassing power and family wealth. They are fine if established by clean, honest and patriotic leaders who put the national interest first. The main issue is corruption. Indonesia needs to revive the anti-KKN movement, but of course under a strong national leadership.
Yanto Soegiarto is the managing editor of Globe Asia, a sister publication of the Jakarta Globe. The views expressed here are his own.
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