Syrian revolution takes religious twist
Thousands of fighters have signed up for a newly formed Islamic Front in Syria, but their agenda is likely to stir controversy, Bassel Oudat reports from Damascus
Damage and debris is seen in the souks of Old Aleppo. The Syrian army loyal to President Bashar Al-Assad took control of the souk surrounding the Umayyad Mosque that was previously dominated by Free Syrian Army fighters (photo: Reuters)
The Islamic Front, which was formed a few days ago, brings together major opposition armed groups from all over the country. It is a step forward in the unity of the revolution that everyone has been asking for. But, more importantly, it can be a step backward in the quest for pluralism that was one of the revolution's top priorities.
With nearly 60,000 men under arms, the Islamic Front has promised to bring down the regime and create and Islamic state.
The Front so far comprises Ahrar Al-Sham (Free Men of Syria), a group operating all over Syria; Gaysh Al-Islam (the Army of Islam), operating in Damascus and its outlying regions; Suqur Al-Sham (the Syria Hawks), stationed around Damascus; Liwa Al-Tawhid (Faith in One God Brigade), controlling areas in northern and eastern Syria; Liwa Al-Haq (Righteousness Brigade), operating in Homs; Ansar Al-Sham (Supporters of Syria), operating in Latakia, Al-Gabha Al-Islamiya Al-Kordiya (the Islamic Kurdish Front), active in northern Syria, as well as smaller outfits.
In its inaugural announcement, the front said that it was an "independent political, military and social outfit aiming to bring down the regime of Al-Assad in Syria completely and establish a sensible Islamic state in which God is a sovereign, a ruler, and an arbiter of the actions of men and country."
The front also promised to act as a "melting pot for a gradual merger among its member groups".
Creating institutions capable of handling various political, military, religious, cultural and humanitarian duties is another of the Islamic Front's aims.
The Army of Islam has 30,000 fighters; Liwa Al-Tawhid has about 8,000; and Ahrar Al-Sham has about 13,000 fighters, most of whom of the Salafist persuasion. Suqur Al-Sham, which is one of the oldest fighting groups, has nearly 8,000 fighters, while the Kurdish Front commands the loyalty of 1,500 fighters.
Army of Islam leader Zahran Allush has been named the Islamic Front general commander.
Allush is a young man of a civilian background who got involved in the fighting in the early months of the revolution.
The leader of Ahrar Al-Sham, Abu Abdallah Al-Hamawi, will preside over the Front's political bureau.
Most of the abovementioned groups were formed about a year or so ago, and their main bond is that they all believe in the implementation of Islamic laws. The majority are Salafists or Muslim Brotherhood members, and despite their Islamist agenda, most of them tend to be moderate Muslims, and they have no known links to global jihadists and distance themselves from Al-Qaeda affiliates.
Still, judging by their rhetoric, many of them would feel comfortable advocating the caliphate, or setting up Islamic mini-states and Islamic courts.
Previous attempts were made to unify these groups, leading to the formation of several umbrella organisations such as the Unified Islamic Front, the Front for the Liberation of Syria, and the Islamic Dawn Movement.
The inauguration of the Islamic Front comes after the remarkable success of government forces in areas surrounding Damascus and Aleppo — successes blamed on the fragmentation of the opposition.
Reactions to the front's formation have been mixed, with some opposition members — including seculars — hailing the move as a step closer towards bringing down the regime, while others have voiced concern over the unabashed religious message of the newly-formed armed Islamic umbrella organisation.
Muslim Brotherhood spokesman Zoheir Salem found the news to be thrilling. Speaking to Al-Ahram Weekly, Salem said that this was a "long-awaited step by the Islamic forces".
Defending the Islamic orientation of the front, Salem argued that there is nothing in the group's agenda that "conflicts with civilian and patriotic ideals," and expected the front to be an "inclusive umbrella for people of diverse views".
Writer Borhan Ghalyun, who is member of the National Syrian Coalition for Revolutionary and Opposition Forces (NSCROF), doesn't seem too worried about the group's theological inclinations.
According to Ghalyun, the formation of the Islamic Front is a "major step" towards unifying the revolution and confronting "the new challenges posed by the increase of foreign troops fighting on the side of the regime".
Ghalyun voiced hope that the front would counter the influence of extremist groups that are hostile to the revolution and the Free Syrian Army (FSA).
But not everyone in the Syrian opposition shares this optimism.
Fahd Al-Masri, spokesman for the joint command of the FSA and the Forces of Revolutionary Action, dismissed the Islamic Front as an alliance between the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafists.
Speaking to the Weekly, Al-Masri said: "We have been calling on the Muslim Brotherhood in Syria to dissolve its military wing, not to expand it."
Al-Masri said that armed groups must declare their loyalty to the nation and the homeland, not to "religion or outsiders".
FSA commander Qassem Saadeddin said that the formation of the front has "splintered the ranks of the armed opposition". According to Saadeddin, the nature and identity of a future Syria must be decided upon by "all Syrians".
There is a chance, however, that the front's Islamists, for all their religious rhetoric, may win some hearts and minds. They have promised to stand up to Al-Qaeda affiliates, which is something many Syrians wish to see.
Sources close to the front mentioned that it intends to take military action against some Al-Qaeda affiliates in northern and eastern Syria, mostly the Islamic State in Iraq.
The worrying part is that the newly formed umbrella organisation is not sticking to armed struggle, but has clear political ambition, and not a whole lot of respect for the current political elite that leads the opposition from far-off places.
Sources close to the Islamic Front say that it plans to form a political leadership that would rival that of NCSROF, the largest opposition alliance and the one that has the stamp of regional and international approval.
The international community will have a hard time endorsing the Islamic Front, if only because it pledged to fight alongside Al-Nusra Front, a group that has made US and UN lists of terrorist organisations. Al-Nusra Front has been the source of much controversy, but despite its alleged links to Al-Qaeda it has made sure that all its members are Syrians and disclaimed any connection with global jihadists.
Islamic Front leader Allush, a 43-year-old man from the outlying areas of Damascus, studied Islamic law before finding his militant call. A few years ago, he made a name for himself running jihadists to Iraq through Syria. Since then, Allush has had a close relation with Iraqi jihadists.
When the revolution broke out in March 2011, Allush was prison because of his militant activities. He was released in June 2011 along with other Islamists and Salafists that the regime freed in the hope of disrupting the course of the revolution.
As soon as he was freed, Allush formed a small military force to fight the regime, which grew into Liwa Al-Islam (Islamic Brigade). Liwa Al-Islam expanded fast, and now commands the loyalty of 10,000 fighters. It has a command council as well as 23 administrative offices active in services, administration and the media.
Liwa Al-Islam has also received regular financial and military assistance from Saudi Arabia and Qatar. Using this assistance, it managed to buy weapons, pay fighters, and start a satellite channel. It is also said to have a weapons manufacturing facility, where it can modify any weapons seized from the regime for the purposes of guerrilla war.
It has, however, been alleged that some of the funds used by Liwa Al-Islam come from global jihadists.
The young Allush emerged as a vocal propagator of Islamic laws. He attracted many followers to his cause within the Liberation Front for Islamic Syria, and in September 2012 became leader of the newly formed Army of Islam, now a striking force of nearly 30,000 men under arms.
But some opposition members question Allush's background, saying that he may be an agent for the regime. Their main argument revolves around his release from prison, something that doesn't happen to jihadists unless they make a deal with the police.
It is, however, conceivable that no such deal was made, or that Allush made a deal and then broke it to pursue his long-standing quest to form an Islamic state.
By bringing together dozens of armed groups, the Islamic Front may have changed the political and military map of Syria. It now commands a force far outweighing that of the FSA, which is made up of dissident officers and volunteers — not exactly the material for guerrilla warfare for which zealous jihadists seem to be best suited.
The Islamic Front's vow to form a political wing can sow even more divisions in the ranks of the political opposition and pose a threat to the future of pluralism in Syria.
The front may be able to prove itself in battle. But it is a nightmare for minorities, a scourge for leftists, and a constant headache for all who dreamt of a modern state to follow the overthrow of Al-Assad.
Unless a way is found to incorporate the Islamic Front into the fabric of the country's opposition, which may not be an easy task, disappointment and disillusion may lie ahead.
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